Friday, September 6, 2013
Chinese chief of RBAP wants to change UNDP image and perception -- will he succeed ?
Saturday, August 17, 2013
Chinese appointed head of UNDP Regional Bureau for Asia. Now China controls UN-DESA/ECOSOC as well as all development aid to Asia
Chinese national is new UN assistant secretary general
Sunday, June 13, 2010
Ajay Chhibber: Cash for work - Asia's answer to crises
Policy makers in Asia are looking at social protection measures to provide relief |
Ajay Chhibber / June 13, 2010, 0:42 IST |
Mongolian herders and rural Indians, two seemingly disparate peoples, could provide valuable insights for other countries in Asia. Both groups have suffered from multiple crises and both are climbing their way out through innovative schemes that offer a hand up instead of a handout.
While countries in Asia are exploring ways to sustain the region’s recovery from the recent economic crisis, they should not lose sight of the importance of investing in people and their welfare. After all, spending on social protection can help people avoid falling into poverty traps. It increases consumption, which helps overall business outlook, and keeps growth up as well, thereby bringing positive change to a very large number of poor people.
Unfortunately Asia’s spending on social protection is relatively low compared with other regions of the world. Only 30 per cent of the region’s elderly receive pensions, 20 per cent of the unemployed and underemployed have access to labour market programmes and 20 per cent of the population has access to health-care assistance.
Fortunately, social protection schemes are multiplying in the region. In the late 1990s, South Korea introduced an Employment Insurance System with preventive measures for employment stabilisation and promotion. Thailand introduced a universal 30 baht Health Insurance Scheme. Under this policy, the insured receive the same quality health services as offered by other health schemes. Over the years, Thailand has added nearly 14 million people to the system and achieved near-universal coverage without compromising access for those with prior coverage. China and Vietnam are also rolling out extensive rural health insurance programmes. Since the food, fuel and financial crises, Indonesia adopted cash-transfer schemes for the poor. To ease fiscal and financial pressures, they slashed subsidies on fuel that, as ever, mainly benefitted the rich. The Philippines has expanded its conditional cash transfer programme.
However, India has adopted an ambitious social-protection scheme of a different kind called the Mahatma Gandhi National Rural Employment Guarantee Act. It is the first programme backed by national legislation to enhance livelihood security by providing at least 100 days of guaranteed wage employment in a year to every household whose adult members volunteer to do unskilled manual work. If work cannot be found then compensation must be paid by the state. Till date 22 billion days of employment have been generated. Close to half of those employed were women and more than half were from marginalised groups. Clearly, the benefits are reaching those for whom this programme was designed. This programme is backed by political will and the necessary budgetary resources, creating the world’s largest ‘cash for work’ scheme.
By working an extra 100 days per year, there is more money for food for the family, for health care, and for people to be able to support themselves. Besides supporting the monitoring and management of this programme, UNDP has provided support to improve transparency, delivery of social services and access to financial services. For instance, workers are able to receive wages at their doorstep through a fingerprinting device connected to a mobile phone. A simple mobile phone-based system also allows workers to access information about their accounts just by sending an SMS.
This programmme has acted as a safety net and lifeline for labourers and small and marginal farmers who would otherwise be adversely affected by jobs lost and reduced pay because of the economic crisis. It has successfully helped the very poor in India tide over the immediate impact of the global economic crisis.
This is one model that could be adapted to local needs in other countries, not just as an emergency relief measure, but as a scheme that can provide impetus to sustainable development.
It also has other benefits. The predominant focus of this employment programme is on natural resource regeneration with public works that are related to drought-proofing and irrigation — like planting trees, building irrigation canals and watersheds and de-silting ponds — thus boosting agriculture and food security.
In Mongolia, an initiative sponsored by the UNDP is offering hope and a future to thousands of herders who are trying to reboot their lives after the worst winter that anyone can remember, which killed more than 8.5 million goats, sheep, horses, camels, yaks and cows, leaving the herders without income.
Through a cash-for-work project, herders will earn a decent wage for removing and burying the carcasses. It is much-needed money at a time when debts are due and supplies are running low. This money will also take care of herders’ immediate needs during this difficult period — for food, medicines, children’s clothing and heating.
In the longer-term, the focus will be on introducing better herding practices. Families are being offered land to establish vegetable plots, and communities are exploring small-scale businesses such as dairies or wool processing. These are small aims with a potentially transformative impact on the nomadic culture of Mongolia and its economy.
Policy makers in Asia are looking seriously at a range of social protection measures, including massive employment schemes that have worked in the region and elsewhere, to provide relief to those struggling to cope with the impacts of multiple crises. For leaders in Asia the focus on growth and investment should not exclude exploration of job creation for the poor. Growth in the big economies is meaningless if millions of people in the region are left behind.
The author is UN assistant secretary general, UNDP assistant administrator and director for UNDP’s Regional Bureau for Asia and the Pacific
Monday, November 2, 2009
Helen Clark lost millions of US Tax Payers dollars in Afghanistan and denied access to US Federal Investigators


"UNDP and UNOPS staffs unwitting to meet USAID to explain draw downs."
Although the CO kept the investigator informed that the requested information was being obtained, it did not provide this information within the required deadline nor did it agree to meet the investigator. This led the IG to conclude that the CO was not cooperating.
U.N. Can’t Account for Millions Sent to Afghan Election Board


Afghan employees from the Independent Election Commission load election materials into a truck to be sent to provinces on Oct. 22, 2009. Afghanistan's presidential rivals are reigniting their campaigns for a second vote, but two previously unreleased audits produced by U.N. investigators raise questions about the integrity of the elections commission. (Shah Marai/AFP/Getty Images)
The United Nations cannot account for tens of millions of dollars provided to the troubled Afghan election commission, according to two confidential U.N. audits and interviews with current and former senior diplomats. (Read both audits.)
As Afghanistan prepares for a second round of national voting, the documents and interviews paint the fullest picture to date of the finances of the election commission, which has been accused of facilitating election fraud and operating ghost polling places. The new disclosures also deepen the questions about the U.N.'s oversight of money provided by the United States and other nations to ensure a fair election in Afghanistan.
"Everybody kept sending money" to the elections commission, said Peter Galbraith, the former deputy chief of the U.N. mission in Afghanistan. "Nobody put the brakes on. U.S. taxpayers spent hundreds of millions of dollars on a fraudulent election." Galbraith, a deputy to the senior U.N. official in Afghanistan, was fired last month after protesting fraud in the elections.
The audits come as President Barack Obama is struggling to craft a war policy for Afghanistan that would establish a stable government in a country with few democratic traditions. Senior aides have made clear that Obama will not commit to sending additional troops until there is a legitimately elected government in Kabul. On Wednesday, insurgents stormed a housing compound primarily occupied by U.N. election officials, killing eight people, including two election workers.
Afghanistan's Independent Election Commission initially reported that President Hamid Karzai had won the majority of votes in the August election. A recount was ordered after another U.N.-backed panel uncovered evidence of widespread fraud. After weeks of prodding from the Obama administration, Karzai agreed last week to a runoff.
The U.N. audit reports, which are near completion but still in draft form, are likely to fuel debate over the Afghanistan election commission's ability to carry out the new round of voting. Karzai's challenger, Abdullah Abdullah, has suggested he may boycott the elections unless Karzai dismisses the chairman and two other commissioners.
In interviews, senior U.S. and U.N. officials said that U.N. leaders had ignored warnings as far back as 2007 that the election commission was a pro-Karzai body with few internal controls.
Another top official in the U.N.'s Afghanistan mission, Robert Watkins, acknowledged in an interview that some commission employees had contributed to the fraud in the first round of voting.
"It's clear that some of the people" working for the commission at the polling centers "were complicit in fraud," Watkins said. "Some of the staff hired were not working in the best interests of impartial elections."
But Watkins said the United Nations is working to improve the commission's performance in the runoff. He said the U.N. planned to slash the number of poll workers and blackball any that may have been implicated in fraud in the August elections.
As of April 2009, the U.N. had spent $72.4 million supporting the commission, with $56.7 million of that coming from the U.S. Agency for International Development, the audit said. Total election costs are now estimated at greater than $300 million, with the U.S. providing a third to half the total funding, according to one senior U.N. official familiar with the elections process.
The draft audit reports indicate that as many as one-third of payroll requests from the Afghan commission to the United Nations included "discrepancies," such as incorrect names or amounts.
In another instance, the U.N. Development Program paid $6.8 million for transportation services in areas where no U.N. officials were present. Auditors found that the development agency had "inadequate controls" over U.S. taxpayer money used to fund the commission.
A UNDP spokesman, Stephane Dujarric, said he could not comment on specific findings in the audits, since they were still in draft form. However, he said the agency strived to rigorously account for spending despite operating in a war zone.
"The insecurity, the lack of infrastructure, the pervasive corruption and harshness of the terrain make the implementation of any project extremely difficult," Dujarric said. "That being said, those challenges in no way absolve us of constantly doing our utmost to ensure that monies given to us by donors are properly spent and accounted for."
Watkins acknowledged that the U.N. had concerns about the commission as elections approached. The development agency works closely with the commission, paying salaries, buying supplies and handling logistical questions.
However, he said no evidence had surfaced that money flowing to the commission had been used to buy votes or bribe officials. "The indications were that (the commission) did not have sufficient controls in place. I can't jump to the conclusion that the money was misappropriated."
Watkins said he was "much more confident" about the commission's spending practices after the U.N. tightened controls this summer. "I think we have a good partner" in the commission, Watkins said.
The U.N., he said, had suggested cutting the number of polling workers from 160,000 to 60,000 for the runoff election, in part to ensure better-trained workers. The smaller work force also reflects an effort by the U.N. to have fewer polling stations and fewer workers per station. He also said the U.N. would blackball at least 200 workers who had been linked to voting centers where fraud was alleged.
In public statements, commission officials have not yet committed to reducing staff or polling stations. A commission spokesman did not return a request for comment.
The confidential reports are being written by two U.N. audit agencies to examine charges that the U.N. had failed to safeguard $263 million in money from the U.S. Agency for International Development that was channeled through the development agency to fund the elections and rebuilding projects. USAID money accounted for about 40 percent of U.N. spending in Afghanistan between 2003 and 2009, the audits said.
Overall, the audits found that U.N. monitoring of U.S. taxpayer funds was "seriously inadequate." Auditors could not find receipts, work plans or documentation to back up costs for projects such as roads and bridges. U.N. officials did not conduct site visits to confirm work and did not prepare financial reports for donor countries like the U.S., the audits found.
The main focus for criticism, however, was U.N. support of the election commission, a seven-member board whose members were appointed by Karzai. Using U.S. money, the U.N. development agency paid for commission salaries, helped contract out services and was supposed to train the commission to carry out its election responsibilities independently.
But the audit found that the development agency project was "not well managed" and contained several "weaknesses."
Auditors found that the U.N. development agency had sent more than $7 million to the elections commission -- including cash payments to temporary staff -- without proof of expenditures.
The commission also failed to send any financial reports to the U.N. between September 2008 and June 2009, despite a requirement for monthly statements. The U.N. sent $9 million in total to the commission without ever receiving a financial report, the audit said.
The auditors made no findings as to whether the money that flowed to the commission was implicated in the fraudulent vote counting. Auditors said that they had hired an outside audit firm to conduct a more detailed review.
Harry Edwards, a spokesman for USAID, said the agency had not seen the audits and could not comment.
Galbraith cautioned against drawing conclusions as to whether U.N. oversight of financial issues played a significant role in the voting fraud. He blamed Kai Eide, the Norwegian diplomat who is the senior U.N. official in Afghanistan and his former boss, as well as himself, for not flagging problems with the commission earlier. Eide has denied any effort to cover up evidence of fraud in the elections process.
"The flaw was not a management flaw," Galbraith said. "It was a political flaw to put all this money into an institution that was not as advertised. It was a political judgment not to say, 'if you want us to pay for these elections, then we insist you do them in this way.'"
One former U.N. official with knowledge of the elections process said that the allegations of financial mismanagement were not surprising. The official, who did not want to be named because of the sensitivity of the topic, said that neither the U.N. nor the elections commission had a well-developed accounting program.
The commission "had no control over their financial management side," the U.N. official said. "It was chaotic. There was no outside oversight."
Instead, this official said that senior U.N. and U.S. diplomats pushed for the U.N. development agency to "deliver" the election by working with the elections commission -- despite warnings that the commission was not truly independent.
"Nobody was paying attention. Nobody wanted to do anything about" the problems at the election commission, the official said.
The draft audits are the latest sign of problems with U.N. oversight of U.S. money in Afghanistan. Last year, the USAID inspector general issued a report charging that the U.N. had failed to complete U.S.-funded rebuilding projects and stonewalled an investigation into the $25.6 million program. USAID's inspector general continues to investigate Gary K. Helseth, who headed the U.N. Office for Project Services between 2003 and 2006, in connection with the rebuilding program, a spokeswoman said. Helseth's attorney did not return a request for comment.
The U.N. audits, however, also criticized the work of USAID's inspector general. The USAID report, for instance, contained allegations that Mark Oviatt, the senior UNOPS official who replaced Helseth, had used USAID money to renovate a guest house for himself. Instead, the audit found that the U.N. had paid $35,000 out of its own pocket to conduct the renovation. Oviatt declined comment.
The U.N. audits also chastised the inspector general's report for attempting to shirk USAID's responsibility for problems with the development projects.
Donna Dinkler, a spokeswoman for USAID's inspector general, said, "They can say what they want, but we stand by our findings."
Wednesday, October 28, 2009
At U.N., contractor's case again raises questions about nepotism
Internal investigation will examine whether official abused authority
CLICK HERE TO SEE STORY IN WASHINGTON POST
By Colum Lynch
Washington post staff writer
Wednesday, October 28, 2009
UNITED NATIONS -- Nicola Baroncini, a U.N. contract employee from Italy, was doing a routine review of his boss's correspondence in the summer when he stumbled upon an e-mail that would seal his fate.
Baroncini's supervisor had received a message from the United Nations' top envoy in Congo asking her to bend U.N. rules so that his daughter could be hired -- for the very position that Baroncini was holding temporarily and was hoping to keep.
What followed was not pretty. After learning that he had been passed over for the job, Baroncini lost his temper and bit the forearm of a security officer who had been called in to remove him from the building, according to U.N. officials. Baroncini says he bit the guard in self-defense after being attacked, beaten and maced.
The incident, while unusual, highlighted a phenomenon that Baroncini and others say is common at the United Nations: nepotism. "This way of doing business can't go on," said Baroncini, whose case has triggered an internal U.N. probe into whether a senior official was trying to manipulate a hiring process.
There are no hard figures on nepotism and favoritism at the United Nations, but the ranks of the U.N. Secretariat and U.N. agencies include scores of children and grandchildren of the organization's luminaries and foreign diplomats. Many top U.N. jobs in peacekeeping, political affairs and other areas are reserved for politically connected officials from powerful governments, including the United States.
The U.N. Charter requires that the organization's civil servants be independent of their governments, and the organization's rules restrict the hiring of the relatives of U.N. employees. But the rules have long been breached. In his 2003 book "Peacemonger," Marrack Goulding, a former British diplomat who once led the U.N. peacekeeping department, said he strove to show his independence after the British government nominated him.
"A senior U.N. official nominated by his or her own government was . . . assumed to be in the [U.N.] secretariat to do that government's bidding," he wrote.
The United Nations' largest employee union says it frequently hears allegations of nepotism. But the group also says it fears that today's top U.N. officials, including Secretary General Ban Ki-moon and the recently departed president of the General Assembly, Miguel d'Escoto Brockmann of Nicaragua, are ill-suited to initiate reform. D'Escoto hired his American nephew, Michael Clark, as an adviser, and his niece, Sophia Clark, as his deputy chief of staff. Ban's daughter Hyun Hee-ban and son-in-law Siddarth Chatterjee also are employed by the United Nations.
"There is something that doesn't look quite right," said Thomas Ginivan, vice president of the U.N. Staff Union. "He's the chief executive officer, and it's ultimately his responsibility to ensure all regulations are followed. It's hard for him to stand up on the podium and criticize when he's not wearing a spotless suit."
Differing perspectivesU.N. officials say the organization has been scrupulous in avoiding favoritism. But not everyone agrees. Several months after Ban ascended to the top post, his son-in-law was promoted by Staffan de Mistura -- then the United Nations' top Iraq envoy -- to a high-profile post as the organization's chief of staff in Iraq.
Some U.N. officials felt that Chatterjee, a former Indian special forces officer with extensive experience in security, lacked the political and diplomatic skills for the job. In May, he was promoted again, to become regional director of the U.N. Office for Project Services in Copenhagen -- only this time he competed against more than 120 other candidates.
De Mistura, a Swedish national, said he hired Chatterjee because he "needed a military guy" who could oversee the organization's expansion in Iraq, not because he was Ban's son-in-law. Chatterjee had overseen security for de Mistura in Iraq in the 1990s, before he had met Ban's daughter.
"For two years, we succeeded in not having one staff member wounded, not one killed," de Mistura said. "The chief of staff was my right hand in handling priority number one, priority number two and priority number three: security."
Chatterjee said that working in an institution where his father-in-law is the boss has been less of a blessing than a burden and that he recently turned down a job offer as the top U.N. official in Namibia because that would mean serving directly under Ban.
"Till now I've been a quiet worker being recognized for the merit of my work rather than for whom I was related to," he said. "When these questions come up about nepotism and favoritism, it breaks my heart."
Similarly, U.N. officials deny that nepotism played any role in the hiring of Ban's daughter, Hyun Hee-ban. She applied for a U.N. job in March 2003 through a program that invites foreign governments to fund their nationals' employment. Officials said that, without her father's intervention, she finished first among 180 South Korean candidates vying for five U.N. posts.
Carol Bellamy, a former director of UNICEF, is among those at the United Nations who say the allegations of nepotism are unfair. The real problem, she said, is the organization's system of political patronage.
"What bugs me is not the hiring of family members, but how often former U.N. ambassadors get appointed" to run complex peacekeeping and humanitarian field operations, Bellamy said.
'Didn't do anything wrong'In Baroncini's case, the allegations of nepotism stem from the e-mail his boss, a senior official at the U.N. Development Program, received from Alan Doss, the top U.N. envoy in Congo. Doss, who was winding up his career with UNDP, asked for his daughter to be hired even though his employment would overlap with hers, according to the e-mail, which was first reported by a blogger at Inner City Press.
If found by a U.N. investigation to have abused his authority, Doss could face censure, according to an official familiar with the probe. The investigation is expected to conclude within the next month.
Baroncini, meanwhile, will appear Wednesday in a New York court, where he faces third-degree assault charges for the biting incident. He said he wants to take the case to trial.
"I didn't do anything wrong," he said. "I was the victim of nepotism, retaliation, assault and imprisonment."
Tuesday, August 11, 2009
"Io, pestato dalla sicurezza" Trascina l'Onu in tribunale
Brutta avventura per un consulente italiano che, escluso da un concorso al Palazzo di vetro, aveva denunciato scelte clientelari. "Sono stato preso a calci, assalito e mi hanno messo anche le manette", racconta dall'inviato Giampaolo Pioli
"Sono stato preso a calci e assalito da tre guardie dell’Onu in un ufficio, mi hanno spruzzato in faccia due volte il pepper spray e messo le manette come un delinquente. Per disperazione col bruciore negli occhi ho reagito addentando la mano di uno dei poliziotti e domani dovrò presentarmi in tribunale a difendermi dalle accuse di essere stato io l’assalitore degli agenti. E’ incredibile. Ho lavorato per quasi 6 anni per le Nazioni Unite come consulente con diversi contratti a termine. Sono un idealista, credo nel Palazzo di Vetro e nella sua funzione, ma le cose che accadono al suo interno possono anche essere raccapriccianti…Voglio che ritirino la loro denuncia e se non lo fanno ne presenterò io una contro di loro".
Nicola Baroncini, 35 anni è un giovane valtellinese di Delebio, laureato in economia, sposato con una dipendente dell’United Nations Development Program e padre di un bambino di 2 anni. Il rocambolesco episodio del suo arresto dentro uno dei palazzi dell’Onu, da parte della polizia di New York che lo ha portato anche in carcere a Manhattan per una notte, risale al 22 giugno, ma adesso, con l’udienza, rischia di far esplodere un nuovo caso di nepotismo nella gestione del segretario generale Ban Ki Moon. Senza quel clamoroso arresto tutto sarebbe finito probabilmente nel nulla.
Baroncini sostiene di essere vittima di una rappresaglia interna e che il concorso in programma il 9 giugno per il posto di "special assistant" (60/70 mila dollari l’anno esentasse) del vice direttore dell’ufficio Asia e Pacifico dell’UNDP Ligia Elisondo, al quale ha partecipato classificandosi 4°, potrebbe non essersi svolto nel rispetto delle regole. Dopo il trattamento subito vuole andare fino in fondo.
Il giovane italiano, ora disoccupato, si è rivolto prima ai responsabili delle risorse umane dell’Onu mostrando una e-mail nella quale quasi 2 mesi prima, il 20 aprile l’inglese Alan Doss sottosegretario generale dell’Onu e inviato speciale di Ban Ki Moon per il Congo ringrazia la stessa Elisondo per la posizione che verrà assegnata alla figlia Rebecca prima ancora dell’uscita del bando.
Alla fine dell’esame il 9 giugno una bella ragazza russa Violeta Maximova prima classificata rinuncerà al posto per andare nella fondazione di Bill Clinton e Rebecca Doss seconda in lista ottiene la posizione.
Il 22 giugno per Baroncini arrivano i guai, le manette e crolla il mito dell’Onu. Quando si presenta alla scrivania, il capo dell’ufficio la signora Elisondo gli dice di tornare a casa ma che verrà pagato comunque fino alla fine del mese quando scadrà il contratto. Lui va dal diretto superiore che solo due giorni prima gli aveva promesso di aiutarlo a trovare un altro posto a termine, ma questa volta trova un muro. Baroncini sventola di nuovo l’e-mail di Doss e grida nel corridoio "vergogna… se questo è il modo con cui reclutate la gente".
Un uomo della sicurezza gli chiede di restituire il pass e di lasciare l’edificio.Baroncini obbedisce e comincia a raccogliere le carte e a spegenere il computer. Arriva anche la moglie che lavora poche stanze più avanti e insieme a lei due guardie dell’Onu che lo piantonano obbligandolo(secondo il suo lungo racconto) a rimanere per ore in attesa in un ufficio vuoto.
"A quel punto non capivo più cosa stava succedendo - ci dice - Ho chiesto di parlare col consolato italiano e con un avvocato. Non mi è stato permesso. E’ arrivato anche un altro agente Onu e hanno invitato mia moglie ad andare in un’altra stanza dove le hanno chiesto se a casa ero violento e la picchiavo. C’è tutto nel mio rapporto che ho già presentato alle autorità dell’Onu e che presenterò in tribunale. Ma l’aggressione è avvenuta quando è entrato nella stanza un ufficiale delle Nazioni Unite con la divisa bianca. Una delle guardie mi si è buttata addosso tirandomi per terra e le altre mi hanno preso a calci e spruzzato lo spray. Non ci vedevo gridavo dal dolore volevo un avvocato e mi hanno spruzzato ancora prima di mettermi le manette mi erano addosso in tre. La polizia di New York è arrivata molto dopo con un’ambulanza. Mi hanno portato all’ospedale Bellevue. Non al pronto soccorso ma al reparto psichiatrico. Il medico mi ha visitato e si è messo a ridere giudicandomi sano di mente. Da li sono finito al distretto di polizia per le impronte digitali perché nel frattempo un agente dell’Onu aveva sporto denuncia nei miei confronti dicendo che ero stato io ad assalirlo e da qui sono finito in tribunale alle dieci di sera. Siccome il giudice era già andato a casa ho dovuto trascorrere la notte seduto in una cella on altre 20 persone fino alle nove del mattino quando il magistrato ha fissato per agosto la data dell’udienza".
Avete provato a discutere con l’Onu?
"Il mio avvocato ha cercato diverse volte di mettersi in contatto ma è sempre stato rinviato da un interlocutore all’altro".
E’ probabile che nel frattempo in corte le venga offerto un 'patteggiamento' per chiudere l’incidente?
"E’ quello che mi è stato detto, ma non intendo accettare. Se l’agente dell’Onu non ritira la denuncia ne faccio una contro di loro per le violenze subite e voglio un processo per dimostrare chi è stato l’aggressore e l’aggredito. Chiameremo anche i funzionari dell’Onu a testimoniare. E’ una vicenda assurda e sconcertante. Voglio che venga fuori la verità. Rivoglio la mia dignità…Io non ho nulla da perdere…..ma solo un figlio da mantenere e un mutuo da pagare".
L’ufficio del portavoce delle Nazioni Unite è avaro di dettagli su questo episodio. Ammette che è accaduto , conferma che è stato usato il 'pepper spray' e aggiunge che la guardia coinvolta è stata medicata in ospedale ed è dovuta rimanere a casa una settimana dal lavoro. Sul concorso contestato dell’UNDP dichiarano laconici che "il processo di selezione si è svolto regolarmente". Non parlano del potenziale conflitto d’interesse di Alan Doss che raccomanda la figlia, ma potrebbero essere costretti a farlo com’è del resto già accaduto anche con vecchi scandali Onu del passato.
dall'inviato Giampaolo Pioli
Servicing the poor people has its benefits - Elizondo can afford a 800 Thousand Condominium ..

NEWSDAY: Former UN worker accused of undiplomatic biting
August 10, 2009 By The Associated Press
NEW YORK (AP) —A former United Nations employee is accused of biting a U.N. security guard after he went to complain about being passed over for a job.
Nicola Baroncini (NEE'-co-la Ba-ron-CHEE'-ni) was in Manhattan Criminal Court Monday on the assault charge.
He turned down a plea bargain and is due back in court on Oct. 28.
Baroncini was working for the U.N. Development Program when the incident happened on June 22. He's from Italy.
Baroncini claimed that he lost out on a job because a U.N. envoy to Congo lobbied for his daughter to get it.
Baroncini said he was pepper-sprayed and assaulted by U.N. security when he went to a superior's office to complain.
A U.N. spokeswoman said Baroncini bit the security guard, who suffered serious injury.