Showing posts with label somalia. Show all posts
Showing posts with label somalia. Show all posts

Thursday, June 20, 2013

15 killed after gun-battle inside UNDP office in Somalia following al-Shabaab attack

15 killed after gun-battle inside UN office in Somalia following al-Shabaab attack
The Independent
A car bomb exploded outside the gate of the United Nations Development Programme (UNDP) base and attackers then ran inside and opened fire on security guards, UN sources said. The al-Qa'ida-linked Islamist group al-Shabaab claimed responsibility.

Wednesday, January 30, 2013

In Kismayo (Somalia), the U.N. is starting food distribution assisted by contractors who are "cleared" by al-Shabbab





Somalis stand in front of a kiosk in market area of the port city of Kismayo, south Somalia. UN Photo/Stuart Price
29 January 2013 – More than four years after conflict and pervasive insecurity forced it to shutter its operations in southern Somalia, the United Nations World Food Programme (WFP) has resumed food assistance to the region’s port city of Kismayo, the agency announced today.

With relative peace returning to the Horn of Africa nation, WFP managed to conduct an assessment of food security in Kismayo last November only to discover high levels of malnutrition and food insecurity throughout the city...

Click here for this in full @ : http://www.un.org/apps/news/story.asp?NewsID=44030&Cr=somali&Cr1=#.UQlFCLbTroA

Saturday, September 22, 2012

SCANDAL: In Somalia, UN charcoal purchases could be funding Al Shabab terror group

Read this story in full at MINNPOST:  http://www.minnpost.com/christian-science-monitor/2012/09/somalia-un-charcoal-purchases-could-be-funding-al-shabab-terror-gr




United Nations contract to buy charcoal for African Union troop kitchens in Somalia is believed indirectly to be funding the country's Al Qaeda-allied Islamist army, The Monitor has learned.

Al Shabab pays for weapons and fighters with the monthly $1.25 million it earns from taxing traders and from the export of charcoal, trade that was banned by both President Obama in July and a UN Security Council Resolution adopted in February.

The business has become the group’s “most lucrative source of income,” according to the UN Monitoring Group on Somalia and Eritrea.

Since April, the UN has been buying 52 tons of charcoal a week for the kitchens of peacekeeping forces in Mogadishu, and one Somalia expert says it is “highly unlikely” that the deal is “not at least indirectly benefiting” the terrorists.

The contract, worth close to $1 million annually, also directly spurs the destruction of southern Somalia’s last remaining tree cover, worsening conditions that cause drought.

The deal began in April, said the United Nations Support Office for AMISOM (UNSOA), the African Union peacekeeping mission in Somalia, meaning more than 1,100 tons of charcoal has so far been delivered and an estimated 5,500 trees have been felled.

A spokesman for UNSOA, headquartered in Kenya, said he was “unable to confirm” that supplies did not come from Kismayo, Al Shabab’s remaining stronghold and the epicenter of Somalia’s charcoal trade.
AMISOM forces this week closed in on the port city ahead of an expected offensive to push the Islamists out. Senior commanders are said to have fled already, and 10,000 civilians have also left, the UN High Commissioner for Refugees reported Friday.

The Monitor has seen an UNSOA purchase order for $17,722.50 for 52,125kg (about 115,000 lbs.) of charcoal due for delivery on Aug. 31, among the most recent of the deliveries. It was to be sent to Ugandan and Burundian peacekeeping troops based at Mogadishu’s airport and its university. The two countries’ soldiers make up the majority of AMISOM’s 17,000-strong contingent in Somalia.

The Aug. 31 delivery was to be supplied by Mogadishu Stars General Trading Company Ltd., a Somali-owned firm headquartered in Dubai with offices in Kenya and Somalia. The UN has reported that two of the firm's managers, Mohamed Ali Warsame and Abdulrazak Ali Warsame, have close connections to a Somali businessman associated with Al Itihaad Al Islaami, an earlier Somali militant group linked to Al Qaeda.

A manager at the firm’s Nairobi office denied that supplies for the UN tender came from Kismayo, saying that they were “sourced from around Mogadishu.”
But Al Shabab earns money not just from direct links to charcoal traders but also from taxing charcoal trucks as they pass through areas under Islamist control.

“It’s highly unlikely that Shabab will not at least indirectly benefit from this contract,” said Andrews Atta-Asamoah, Horn of Africa analyst for the Institute for Security Studies in South Africa. “It’s not possible for that much charcoal to come from areas the government controls. Even if Shabab is not directly selling the charcoal, once money enters the system in south-central Somalia, Shabab always takes its share.”
The amount of charcoal being produced to fulfill the contract would mean traders felling at least 250 trees a week, according to ecologists’ estimates.
Deforestation for charcoal burning is seen as one of the major causes of drought, which has left 2.1 million Somalis still in need of international help. Last year, parts of the country were struck by famine.

It is for this reason, and because the trade benefits for Al Shabab, that the UN Security Council adopted resolution 2036 during the London Conference on Somalia in February, which banned the export of charcoal from Somalia and its import into other countries. 

In part the resolution stated, “charcoal exports from Somalia are a significant revenue source for Al Shabab and also exacerbate the humanitarian crisis.”
President Obama in July ordered sanctions to be enforced against anyone involved in the export or import of Somali charcoal.

Domestic trade within Somalia is, however, exempt from both the UN ban and the US sanctions, meaning that the UNSOA order is legal under the resolution’s terms. “Our delivery does not contravene the ban,” Simon Davies, UNSOA’s spokesman in Nairobi, told the Monitor.

“Nonetheless, we are acutely aware of the negative impact of the trade in charcoal and have been pro-actively working to transition AMISOM to other fuels. All AMISOM contingents are traditionally used to cooking with charcoal and we have had to make a deliberate effort to change that.”

It was the supplier’s responsibility to source the charcoal, and “I’m unable to confirm whether this charcoal comes from Kismayo or not,” Mr. Davies added.
“UNSOA utilizes a common UN vendor tracking database to assess risks associated with doing business with individual vendors. UNSOA also consults with other UN bodies as part of procurement due diligence,” he said.

“These are the primary means available to us in our effort to limit the chances of inadvertently funding Shabab. Regardless, our immediate near-term goal is to phase out AMISOM use of charcoal entirely by October, thereby eliminating risk.”

Read this story in full at MINNPOST:  http://www.minnpost.com/christian-science-monitor/2012/09/somalia-un-charcoal-purchases-could-be-funding-al-shabab-terror-gr

Thursday, August 2, 2012

Al-Jazeera: UN corrupts Somali political transition

Click here to read the full story on Al-Jazeera
The Somali people desperately need miracles, as they hope for peace and an accountable government in their land.

The Somali Transitional Federal Government, headed by President Sheik Sharif Ahmed, expires in August [Reuters]
For over the two decades, sectarian Somali leaders and their international patrons dominated political transitions in the country. The end results of these affairs have been perpetual political instability, endless violence and the misery for the population without any one being held accountable.
Another transition is looming and the UN which is midwifing the process is enabling several Somali actors to gerrymander the process in order to predetermine the outcome to their advantage. The question that most Somalis are asking is: why is the UN’s Special Representative (SR) who dominates the process allowing sectarian agendas to control the transition and reproduce the mess?
This essay attempts to map this odious affair as it unfolds in Mogadishu. It demonstrates how the UN and its corrupt Somali partners are working the system to fabricate an outcome that will reproduce incompetence potentially stoking violence between and among communities.
Ending the long transition?
The life of the Somali Transitional Federal Government (TFG), ends in August 2012 and is to be replaced by a post-transitional order. Since the African Union military force (AMISOM) controls a small but growing section of the country, it is not feasible to conduct national elections which can morally sanction the formation of a new political system. Consequently, the TFG and SR have invented a process that they hope will usher in a new era that reflects their own ambitions.
This process guided by what they call the Road Map (RM) was thoughtlessly concocted and consists of the following steps:
(a) completion of draft constitution by the UN;
(b) formation and empowerment of the so-called seven signatories;
(c) selection of ‘traditional elders’ as foundational anchor of the new dispensation;
(d) convening of national constituent assembly to sanction the draft constitution;
(e) selection of members of parliament; and
(f) the election and appointment of a new speaker of parliament, president and prime minister.
The completion of these six steps is supposed to mark the end of Somalia’s permanent transition and lead to a new dawn of peace and stability that gives hope to an exhausted population. I proffer that this seemingly orderly process is deeply flawed and might not overcome the problems that have bedeviled the decade long transitional period.
Click here to read the full story on Al-Jazeera

Wednesday, February 8, 2012

SOMALIA SCANDAL: The UNDP officers in Mogadishu pay money for explosions against their building center

CLICK HERE TO VIEW THIS ON SUNA TIMES



IN ORDER TO RETURN THEIR OFFICES IN NAIROBI AND INCREASE THEIR "SECURITY SUBSIDIES" UNDP STAFF PAYS FOR FAKING EXPLOSIONS AND ATTACKS INTO THEIR COMPOUND.

Mogadishu (Sunatimes) The Somali government security officials have accused UNDP officers to manage the explosions against their center in Mogadishu which is lacked of casualty.

"The chief security of UNDP office in Mogadishu, Mr. Guled Yusufpays money for the explosions against its center, and we have known that sometimes a bottle with lubricate throw into UNDP building which cannot do Al shabab group. Second the explosions against UNDP center don’t cause any injury and death but the objective is two points only" said a Somali government security official who requested to hide his name.

While this security officer talking about the two points said "Mr. Guled wants to move UNDP from Mogadishu to Nairobi, so if this doesn’t work he likes to increase his salary in order to recruit militias from clan"

The chief security of UNDP in Mogadishu, Mr. Guled Yuusf is the cousin of Al shabab spokesman named Mr. Ali Dhere, therefore Mr. Guled was accused that he behinds the kidnap against the UNDP officials in Somalia as well as he invests the militias from Al shabab.

The UN officers in Mogadishu don’t affectionate to work inside of Somalia because of they used to enjoy in Nairobi hotels for the extra money that they take as salaries.

By Hawo Abdulle

Saturday, August 20, 2011

Guardian Focus podcast: famine in Somalia

click here for more @ Guardian.co.uk

The Horn of Africa is experiencing a food crisis and the UN has declared famine in parts of Somalia. What does the relief effort look like? And what comes next?

• Have your say on the podcast

According to the UN, Somalia faces the most severe humanitarian crisis in the world today and the worst food security crisis in Africa since the early 1990s. After the worst drought in 60 years, an estimated 12.4 million people across the Horn of Africa are in need of urgent humanitarian assistance.

But this crisis was largely foreseen. Why didn't early warning translate into early action? What does the humanitarian response look like? And what comes next?

In this month's global development podcast we look at the unfolding crisis in the Horn and focus in on Somalia, where conflict and political instability pose steep challenges for short-term relief and long-term development.

To discuss these issues, Madeleine Bunting is joined in the studio bySamir Elhawary, research fellow in the Humanitarian Policy Group at the Overseas Development Institute, David Bull, chief executive of Unicef UK, and Jamal Osman, an independent journalist who came to the UK from Somalia in 1999 and has been going back and forth ever since.

Friday, August 19, 2011

U2 Singer Bono says: "west is doing nothing for poor Africa"

While his investment with Facebook quadrupled in value to nearly $1 Billion, Bono continues to ask others to cough-up money for Africa.

Hey Bono - if you want others to pay, why not put 50% of your FB CASH to fund Horn of africa crisis? So people can actually trust you?


CLICK HERE FOR THIS STORY

It's A Beautiful Day: Bono's Facebook investment has paid off

Tuesday, August 16, 2011

The United Nations ‘Somali Project’ leaves too many queries unanswered

By AHMED JAMA
Posted Monday, August 15 2011

For the past two decades, Somalia has been one of the international community’s most highly-funded, yet, as the current famine has revealed, “Project Somalia” has been unsuccessful as it has failed to improve food security in the war-torn country.

Since the 1990s, Somalia has received significant support from the donor community, notably the United States and the European Union. Most of the support is channelled primarily through United Nations agencies which maintain a large support structure based in Nairobi.

There is also parallel donor support for Somalia through the UN Consolidated Appeal Process and the Emergency Response Funds, managed by the United Nations Office for the Coordination of Humanitarian Affairs.

These funds are accessible to UN agencies and to international and local NGOs under what is known as the cluster framework. Clusters are normally chaired by a UN agency.

Given the lack of an effective national government in Somalia, UN agencies have positioned themselves as the providers of public goods and services in the country.

Very often, UN agencies embark on unilateral resource mobilisation initiatives on behalf of the Somali people. Mobilised resources are then used by the same agencies to implement their own projects and programmes.

In practice, this means that UN agencies raise funds for projects conceived, implemented and managed by themselves, usually without external monitoring and evaluation by a non-UN entity, and quite often without the active participation of government.

This is unethical and raises serious questions about whether UN agencies working in Somalia are accountable, not just to the donors, but to the people of Somalia.

The specific policy framework followed by most international donors for Somalia has been anchored on LRRD (Linking Relief, Rehabilitation and Development), which is adopted when a country is going through a crisis.

In the eyes of the international donors and UN agencies, Somalia represents a classic argument for an LRRD strategy. However, the ‘crisis’ has been on for almost 20 years, and by definition, it can no longer be considered one.

Meanwhile, humanitarian relief continues as in response to crisis, and with a limited view of moving beyond the crisis towards development.

In line with the above policy, the European Union has supported a number of rural development and food security initiatives since 1995 to the tune of 150 million euros.

Over 60 per cent of this amount has been used in South Somalia to fund projects in areas mainly in Lower Shabelle where irrigated agriculture has the most potential.

Lower Shabelle was the bread-basket of Somalia in the 1980s, and has remained so even after the civil war. EU support has gone towards improving data collection, rehabilitation of the irrigation infrastructure, seed testing and multiplication, pest management, capacity building of farmers, creation and/or strengthening of community water users associations, and rehabilitation of the roads.

For rural development and food security, the primary UN implementing agency is the Food and Agricultural Organisation, which receives substantial resources from the EU to implement projects in the agricultural areas of South Somalia.

Given the heavy investment in the Lower Shabelle region in the last 16 years, it is surprising that this is the very region that the UN has now declared a famine area. Did the EU-supported interventions in Lower Shabelle fail or has the UN — for whatever reason — made the Lower Shabelle appear more food insecure than it really is?

I suspect it is the latter, because even as recently as last year, the FAO reported that Lower Shabelle had experienced a bumper harvest.

Clearly, there is a mismatch between the resources made available to UN agencies over the last two decades and the dismal picture emerging from the most productive regions of South Somalia.

Currently, billions of dollars are being raised to help the starving of Somalia. Given the past record of UN relief and development projects, it is likely that the country will find itself in another “crisis” a year from now, and possibly in many subsequent years.

Mr Jama is a Somali agricultural economist based in Nairobi.(edboehe@yahoo.com)

Monday, August 15, 2011

The unholy alliance in Somalia: Media, donors and aid agencies


CLICK HERE TO READ FULL ARTICLE IN WWW.THEEASTAFRICAN.CO.KE


The season of giving has started — and it not even Christmas yet. Leading international aid agencies, including the United Nations, Oxfam, Save the Children and Islamic Relief UK, have launched massive campaigns to save the thousands of Somalis who are facing hunger in their own country and in refugee camps in neighbouring Kenya and Ethiopia.

UN Secretary-General Ban Ki-moon has asked donors for $1.6 billion in aid for Somalia and the World Bank has already pledged more than $500 million towards the relief efforts.

The appeals for food aid have been accompanied by heart-wrenching images: children with swollen, malnourished bellies, emaciated mothers with shrivelled breasts that no longer lactate, campsites bursting at the seams with hordes of skeletal refugees. Almost all the large humanitarian aid agencies are rushing to the Dadaab refugee camp in Kenya to witness, photograph and film the crisis. We have seen these images before — in the mid-1980s when Mohamed Amin filmed the famine in Ethiopia that triggered the trend of rock stars becoming do-gooders. Since then, famine has become the biggest story coming out of Africa — and one of the biggest industries.

Media-savvy aid agencies

Images of starving Africans are part and parcel of fund-raising campaigns, as are journalists. As one leading humanitarian official told the BBC’s Andrew Harding, the UN can produce endless reports, but it is only when the images of starving people are televised or placed on the front page of newspapers that politicians take action.

The problem is that the story that they see or read is not as impartial as they would like to believe. More often than not, it is told by aid agency staff on the ground or independent filmmakers. News organisations that do not have the resources to send reporters to far-flung disaster zones such as the camp in Dadaab, have entered into an unholy alliance with aid agencies, whereby the aid agencies’ spokespeople — wearing T-shirts and caps bearing the logos of their respective organisations — “report” the disaster via satellite to international audiences. Even when journalists are present on the ground, they rely almost exclusively on aid agencies’ version of the disaster. The narrative about the famine in Somalia has, therefore, become both predictable and one-sided.

Dutch journalist Linda Polman believes that the “unhealthy” relationship between journalists and aid agencies does not allow for independent, objective reporting, and is often slanted in favour of the agency doing the “reporting”.

Media-savvy aid workers fully exploit the eagerness with which journalists accept their version of a disaster or crisis. On their part, says Ms Polman, journalists “accept uncritically the humanitarian agencies’ claims to neutrality, elevating the trustworthiness and expertise of aid workers above journalistic scepticism.” This non-nuanced, simplistic story about African disasters has foreign policy implications, says Karen Rothmyer in a discussion paper published by Harvard University’s Joan Shorenstein Centre early this year.

“Top US officials responsible for Africa policy who begin their days with media summaries focusing disproportionately on Africa’s problems are unlikely to see the continent’s potential.”

The cosy relationship between aid workers and journalists has thus distorted the way Africa is reported. Journalists often do not get to the heart of the story or take the time to do the research into the causes of a particular crisis. Africans do not feature much in their stories, except as victims.

“In public affairs discussions the term ‘starving Africans’ (or ‘starving Ethiopians’ or ‘starving Somalis’) rolls from the tongue as easily as ‘blue sky’,” wrote former aid worker Michael Maren in his 1997 book The Road to Hell.

“Charities raise money for starving Africans. What do Africans do? They starve. But mostly they starve in our imaginations. The starving African is a Western cultural archetype like the greedy Jew or the unctuous Arab.”

In a recent phone conversation, Ms Polman told me that the “starving African” story is not just the easiest to tell, especially in a continent that does not generate much international media coverage, but is also the most “politically correct.” After all, who in their right mind would want to be accused of doing nothing for dying people?




Friday, July 22, 2011

Al-Shabaab say: UNDP is a western spy agency

Aid ban still in place in Somalia, Islamist militants say

(CNN) -- Islamist militants in Somalia have reversed a pledge to allow foreign aid agencies to operate in famine-struck regions in the nation.

''The lift of ban on aid agencies doesn't include the agencies that we banned earlier in areas we control because those agencies don't do relief work, they are spies and work on political agendas'," Al-Shabaab spokesman Ali Mohamud Raage said Thursday on the militants' radio station, Al Furqaan.

His announcement reverses his pledge this month that militants would allow aid groups to operate in areas under their control.

Al-Shabaab originally banned foreign aid organizations from providing aid in southern Somalia in 2009, describing them as Western spies and Christian crusaders.

The ban included the United Nations Development Programme, World Food Programme and CARE International. The World Food Programme has said that a new dialogue -- but not negotiations -- is under way with the group.

Raage accused the groups of having a political agenda in declaring a famine in Somalia.......


CLICK HERE TO READ THE FULL STORY ON CNN.COM




Monday, July 18, 2011

BBCNews: - Somalia drought: Aid for camps under Islamists

CLICK HERE TO VIEW THIS ON BBCNEWS

The UN Humanitarian Co-ordinator for Somalia, Mark Bowden, says aid is being provided to camps controlled by the Islamist group al-Shabab.

Mr Bowden told the BBC that aid was being given through al-Shabab's drought committees, which run the camps.

Mr Bowden said this could be done as long as the aid was delivered according to humanitarian principles.

He described the situation as so severe that it was vital to scale up aid operations inside Somalia.

The UN's refugee agency estimates that nearly one-and-a-half million Somalis have been forced from their homes but remain in the country.

But until very recently helping them has been very difficult indeed.

Al-Shabab, which rules over large swathes of south and central Somalia, had imposed a ban on foreign aid agencies in its territories two years ago, accusing them of being anti-Muslim.

It lifted the ban 10 days ago as long as groups had "no hidden agenda".

'Humanitarian principles'

Mark Bowden said that aid was being delivered to camps run by committees under the supervision of al-Shabab, despite the movement's known allegiance to al-Qaeda.

But he made it clear that this could only proceed as long as humanitarian aid was delivered free of any political connotations.

"The Shabab have, as I understand it, through their drought committees been distributing assistance to vulnerable groups of the population, so they have taken an interest and expressed concern.

"It is of course important to also recognise that the work that we do in these areas will be conducted under humanitarian principles and based on need and without any political association attached to the assistance," said Mr Bowden.

Mitchell rejects allegation that UK aid is going to Islamists


CLICK HERE TO VIEW THIS ON SPECTATOR.CO.UK


Yesterday, Andrew Mitchell was the toast of the broadcasters. They have turned on him to an extent today. The news that portions of the £52.25 million given in emergency aid to the starving masses in the Horn of Africa will be distributed in areas controlled by al-Shabaab has forced Mitchell onto the defensive. “We shall have no dealings with al-Shabaab,” he said, and then added that the aid will reach its intended recipients by means other than collusion with the jihadists.

This is an embarrassing moment for Mitchell and, of course, it is vital that money and supplies do not fall into the hands of well-fed fighters. However, it is worth pointing out that Mitchell has always intended to distribute aid in al-Shabab controlled areas of Somalia. In a speech made last year in which he recast the role of DfID as an agent of soft power, he insisted that aid must be used to improve stability in the area, arguing that western generosity would deprive the extremists of their anti-western memes. Food, education and opportunity would replace poverty, ignorance, and Kalashnikovs. So even in this minute of emergency, Mitchell is pursuing long-term policy goals, for better or worse.

Thursday, November 11, 2010

Somalia: Professor Dalha said, “UNDP controls Somalia”.




MOGADISHU (sunatimes.com) in an interview he gave to Keydmedia, Professor Mohamed Omar Dalha, former deputy parliament speaker told that United Nations development program’UNDP’ controls Somalia.

There is no an independent Somali government and every thing given to the government either economic or other materials passes through UNDP line and it represents Somalia, therefore the government is guest, Professor Dalha said.

Professor Mohamed Omar Dalha, is an MPs now and he added that all government councils come under UNDP saying that ministries of health, agriculture are under UN agencies for those affairs.

Speaking about the conflict between top government leaders, Mr. Dalha explained that it is based on leadership livelihood and this comes as there are differences between government officials and a time the situation in the capital is worsening day after day and many Somali civilians are dying in the on going clashes.

Saturday, March 13, 2010

Media Statement Regarding Expected United Nations Somalia Sanctions Committee Report

NAIROBI, Kenya, March 12 /PRNewswire-USNewswire/ -- The New York Times carried a front-page story on March 9saying that a report is forthcoming from the UN Somalia Sanctions Committee alleging large-scale diversion of the UN World Food Program (WFP) humanitarian aid effort. An advance copy of the report was leaked to the Times by unknown parties perhaps seeking to build external support for the report prior to its official adoption by the UN Security Council. According to the Times, the Sanctions Committee report contains accusations that DEEQA, as a principal food-delivery contractor in the Somalia WFP, participated in the alleged diversion of aid.

If such allegations directed toward DEEQA were ultimately to be published by the UN, we would respond immediately to the Sanctions Committee and to interested media. Were the contents of any report to reflect the characterization of DEEQA's activities as presented in the Times, we would of course respond that they were baseless and possibly fabricated. For now, we wish to inform the several news outlets which have sent inquiries to our company that, for the past three months, we have been in active dialogue with the Sanctions Committee investigators, known as the Somalia Monitoring Group (SMG), as well as with assigned UN legal staff, regarding their interest in DEEQA.

Being aware that the relief effort in which we were a significant participant was under scrutiny, and having had firsthand experience with past iterations of the SMG that had, unfortunately, allowed flagrantly false and damaging hearsay to obtain the UN imprimatur in their reports, we voluntarily undertook to engage the investigators to ensure accuracy and fairness with respect to their examination of DEEQA. Our attentiveness to the process was intensified by the fact that leaks of official reports, much like the one to the Times, had been occurring in a manner that appeared to be designed to drive external opinion to accept a negative conclusion of the investigation as foregone.

The process of engagement with the SMG was difficult and trying, even with the assistance of the international legal counsel we retained in Washington, DC as an extra measure of caution. Though the SMG's pursuits are not officially intended to be guided by conventional rules of due process, our experience showed the investigation to be, at least insofar as the engagement of our company was concerned, extremely opaque, unpredictable, and far from thorough. Investigators sometimes did not understand basic operations of the WFP.

Despite our immediate, voluntary response to the SMG, it took nearly six weeks for us to extract any precise statement of the allegations the investigators had developed about DEEQA from third-party sources. Ironically, we were informed that we were receiving "more formal treatment" because we had brought lawyers into the equation. We learned that most information that the SMG uses is apparently derived from second- and third-hand statements from individuals living in a war-torn, chaotic environment, or at a remove in the cafes or on the streets of Nairobi, rendering it virtually impossible to test for reliability. We were surprised to learn that the SMG's formal protocols and procedures permit -- indeed, embrace -- reliance on such hearsay information.

Nonetheless, we persevered and through exhaustive effort were able to comprehensively refute every allegation that the Monitoring Group placed before us. We did so through official documentation, written rebuttals, and oral arguments presented with the assistance of our U.S. attorneys. Now, with the release of the Times story, we fear that our labors may have been in vain. Indeed, the article leaves us deeply worried that this process may have gone seriously awry, perhaps for reasons that neither concern us directly nor are within our ability to fully grasp.

We are aware of the WFP's negative reaction to both the reported contents of the SMG investigation and the unauthorized manner in which they were publicized. We have also learned that other officials, both within the UN and among a number of member governments, have expressed doubts about the integrity of this process. In that vein, DEEQA welcomes enthusiastically any independent UN or other third-party investigation of the Somalia WFP and will fully cooperate with the expectation of definitively eliminating any concerns about DEEQA. But for now, we feel compelled to bide our time and to ask interested press to do the same while we clarify the situation with respect to the anticipated Somalia Sanctions Committee report.

Signed,

Abdulkadir Nur

About DEEQA

Founded in 1978, DEEQA is among the few companies that have operated in Somalia throughout the period of the civil war. We specialize in construction of roads, ports, airstrips, hospitals, irrigation systems and public buildings, as well as water-well drilling. Our work force, which fluctuates with projects, has reached as high as 10,000 people. DEEQA is the oldest and most reliable partner supporting a range of international aid organizations in Somalia. Food transport, including for the WFP, ADRA, ICRC, CARE and UNICEF has been a principal activity of DEEQA for the past twenty years.

SOURCE DEEQA