Showing posts with label Kofi Annan. Show all posts
Showing posts with label Kofi Annan. Show all posts

Friday, September 7, 2012

Even leftist media like CNN think the United Nations have lost their mandate.

Has U.N. lost its peacekeeping mandate?

By Brian Klein, Special to CNN
Editor’s note: Brian P. Klein is an economic consultant and former U.S. diplomat. The views expressed are his own.

CLICK HERE TO READ THIS ON CNN's GLOBAL PUBLIC SQUARE

Now that Kofi Annan has stepped down from his position as U.N. Arab League Envoy to Syria and peacekeeping troops are being removed from the country one has to wonder – does the United Nations have any role to play in conflict resolution?

The reality is that the Annan Plan, which supported an interim government to shepherd Syria into a post-dictatorship future, was doomed from the start. Bashar al-Assad was to unilaterally step down in the middle of ongoing hostilities while his forces held the momentum against a popular uprising.
Al-Assad of course played the statesman, met with U.N. officials and allowed troops to enter Syria. No one was fooled for long. His military began an all-out assault soon after Annan’s plane took off. Helicopter gunships and fighter jets strafed cities as civilian casualties mounted. Nearly $17 million was authorized for the 150 military observers and 105 civilians. While a paltry sum considering the more than $7 billion peacekeeping budget, that money could have funded, for example, 2,400 water projects for creating wells to bring safe drinking water to over a million people in need.

Instead, United Nations’ efforts lengthened by weeks if not months a concerted move by regional powers to openly oppose Syria’s indiscriminate attacks on its citizenry.  The General Assembly then voted to censure its own Security Council for failing to do more.

The absurdity of the U.N. divided against itself is compounded by the poor track record of stopping violence. Despite the main charter of the U.N. beginning with lofty ideals to “take effective collective measures for the prevention and removal of threats to the peace, and for the suppression of acts of aggression…” the supra-national force has never been a realistic fighting military. It lacks the command, control, intelligence and weaponry to stop war once it has begun.

With the world economy tilting dangerously towards stagnation, U.N. budgets will inevitably be forced to shrink. The world body would therefore be well advised to focus on its humanitarian strengths and less on the intractable, hard-scrabble world of armed conflict.

This isn’t the first time that poorly conceived efforts failed to turn aggression into peaceful resolution. In the 1990’s, U.N. forces were withdrawn in the face of overwhelming evidence of Rwandan genocidal atrocities. In Kosovo, it took then President Bill Clinton committing U.S. forces to protect a Muslim minority from being massacred by their neighbors.

These days, violence still flares in the Democratic Republic of the Congo despite a U.N. presence dating back to July 2010 that now numbers over 23,000 personnel (including 19,000 in uniform) and a budget of $1.4 billion. To keep the peace in Darfur, Sudan (17,000 military) and newly created South Sudan (over 5,500) the U.N. is spending nearly $2.5 billion. And with all those forces in place, tens of thousands still flee fighting as the humanitarian situation continues to worsen. Doctors Without Borders highlighted in an August report the ongoing health crisis in Batil Camp, South Sudan with diarrhea causing 90 percent of deaths and malnourishment rates in those under two years-old hitting 44 percent. Of all the tragedies of war, these are imminently solvable problems, and yet too many continue to die because of misallocated priorities and resources.

Security Council resolutions, sanctions and other tools of the diplomatic trade do very little to change the on-the-ground reality of war. Arms continue flowing across porous borders despite calls for embargoes. While world leaders make grand speeches defending their non-intervention or the inalienable rights of humanity in the green marbled U.N. headquarters, countries continue to act with or without U.N. sanction. Spending on “political affairs” and “overall policymaking, direction and coordination” accounts for nearly 40 percent of the United Nations’ current $5.1 billion operating budget. Peacekeeping operations total another $7 billion for 2012-2013.

Yet where the United Nations excels, in disaster relief, health initiatives, education, and support for refugees, programs remain woefully underfunded often requiring public appeals with Hollywood A-listers to bolster their sagging budgets. Few would argue against feeding a malnourished child on the verge of starvation with Angelina Jolie passing out the collections tin. Many would argue for weeks and at considerable expense, mincing words in watered-down, grand sounding political statements on the inherent value of peace.

Certainly, peacekeeping has done some good, but the disproportionate amount spent on these efforts, with such poor results overall and over such a long period of time, need re-examination. A U.N. force has maintained a presence in the Western Sahara since 1994 and has been “stabilizing” Haiti for the past 8 years, costing hundreds of millions of dollars.

It is incumbent on major donors like the U.S., Japan and the U.K., which collectively fund nearly half of annual peacekeeping efforts, to weigh in heavily on reform. Direct the limited amount of resources to programs that make a difference and stop relying on antiquated dreams of stateless noble actors bequeathing peace from above. Build on peace from the ground up instead.

Brian P. Klein is a freelance writer and macroeconomic/geopolitical strategist.

CLICK HERE TO READ THIS ON CNN's GLOBAL PUBLIC SQUARE 

Friday, August 3, 2012

Justice Antonin Scalia on International Criminal Court: "ICC' a kangaroo court"

"I'll be damned if I'm going to let my son be dragged before some foreign kangaroo court to face judgment," said one of the judges, who is not named, but is said to have a son who had served as a U.S. Army captain in Iraq. (Justice Antonin Scalia's son, Matthew, served as a U.S. Army captain in Iraq.)

Read all on Turtle Bay @ Foreign policy by Colum Lynch

Wednesday, August 1, 2012

Kofi Annan says: After 9/11 Americans worst than Saddam Hussein

Click here for this on Foreign Policy/Tutle Bay (by Colum Lynch)

Kofi Annan says post-911 world feared America more than Saddam Hussein
In his upcoming memoir, Interventions: A Life in War and Peace,  Kofi Annan says a “heavy curtain” fell between the US and rest of world after 911. (book is written with Nader Mousavizadeh)

  “To many Americans, and the Bush Administration in particular, a global response was eminently justified by the barbarism visited upon the country and two of its greatest cities. For much of the global community in those days — shocking though this seemed to many Americans—the greatest threat to world peace came not from Saddam, but from an enraged and vengeful United States. Tragically, the chaotic, bloody aftermath of the subsequent invasion did little to change this perception.”

Thursday, July 12, 2012

Commentary Magazine: Time for Ban Ki-moon to resign - he is incapable of managing the UN

CLICK HERE TO READ THIS ARTICLE ON COMMENTARY MAGAZINE


What is the UN Secretary-General’s Job?

  @mrubin1971

Several years ago, I took the opportunity to hear UN Secretary-General Ban Ki-moon speak at a Johns Hopkins University School of Advanced International Studies graduation. The Secretary-General is not the most dynamic speaker and, if memory serves, his speech was basically pabulum, talking a great deal about meetings he had had; if there was a focus, it was probably on global warming. To be fair, while his predecessor Kofi Annan is a better public speaker, there is little substance to Annan’s speeches as well.

The problem with many of the UN Secretaries-General is that they have redefined their position to be that of the world’s diplomat, and have assumed a bully pulpit for which they have no right. When the UN was created, the purpose of the secretary-general, first and foremost, was to be the UN’s administrator. He was meant to make the organization’s bureaucracy function in a clear and efficient way.

By this standard, both Ban Ki-moon and Kofi Annan have been abject failures. Take the most recent scandal at the United Nations: The World Intellectual Property Organization (WIPO) shipped hi-tech computers to Iran and North Korea in contravention of UN sanctions. That is a failure of administration at the highest level. In any normal organization, it would lead to the resignation not only of WIPO’s director, but also that of the UN administration, because it was the failure of the secretary-general’s oversight that allowed this transaction to occur.

The same is true with Kofi Annan. There has seldom been a statesman who enjoys such a reputation as an elder statesman but whose record rests on failure. As director of the UN’s peacekeeping operation, Annan’s indecisiveness enabled the Rwanda genocide to develop and cost the lives of hundreds of thousands, a casualty count for which Annan has apologized. As director of peacekeeping operations, Annan also presided over the failure to protect the safe haven in Srebrenica in 1995, in which 7,000 men and boys were slaughtered by Serbian fighters. It was as secretary-general, however, where Annan truly failed. He ignored his primary responsibility as administrator-in-chief in order to traipse around the globe at donor expense, giving speeches and collecting laurels. By doing so, he presided over the worst corruption scandal to hit the United Nations, one for which he has never truly paid the price.

The United Nations has an important role. Having a place to convene enemies and combatants is a valuable enabler of diplomacy. If the UN secretary-general is unable or incapable of managing UN affairs, however, then either it is time for the UN secretary-general to resign or it is time to shrink the UN and its myriad agencies back to a manageable size. Rather than sweep the WIPO scandal under the rug, perhaps it’s time to erase this notion of a world diplomat and instead return the secretary-general to his original purpose as an administrator and facilitator.

CLICK HERE TO READ THIS ARTICLE ON COMMENTARY MAGAZINE

Saturday, March 3, 2012

IPS NEWS: U.N. Chief Exercises Selective Transparency in Key Posts


By Thalif Deen


UNITED NATIONS, Mar 2, 2012 (IPS) - As Secretary-General Ban Ki-moon announced Friday the appointments of two of his most senior officials, he has also broken new ground in his global search for a new team: an advertisement in a British weekly calling for applicants for vacant high-ranking jobs in the Secretariat.

But the ad in the current issue of the Economist is confined to only four senior posts in the Secretariat: the under-secretaries general (USG) for public information; management; economic and social affairs; and general assembly and conference management.

"Advertising available posts in the Economist is not new," Samir Sanbar, a former assistant secretary-general and head of the department of public information, told IPS. "But advertising USG posts is new."

"A decision to advertise USG posts seems to be a move in the right direction, as long as the final decision remains really with the secretary-general, who is the only accountable official selected by the Security Council and elected by the General Assembly," said Sanbar, who has served under five different secretaries-general.

Although the advertisement gives the impression that Ban is being transparent in his appointments, he has named several new officials without recourse to advertising, including the two he announced Friday: Jan Eliasson of Sweden, a former president of the General Assembly, as the new deputy secretary-general, and Sussana Malcorra of Argentina, the former USG for Field Support, as the new chief of staff.

At a press briefing Friday, Ban said his four USG appointments (spelled out in the ad) will be "open and public nominations".

However, a former senior U.N. official who served under Kofi Annan was sceptical of the ad, even though he said it was the right move.

Speaking off the record, he told IPS, "Why the selectiveness (in advertising only four of the posts)? Why not others, like (the USG) for the Office of Disarmament Affairs (ODA) and even the USG for Political Affairs?"

He questioned why the posts of deputy secretary general and chief of staff were also not advertised.

"This is - as far as I know - the first time USG posts have been advertised and it is to be welcomed as a transition towards transparency and open competition for the second tier jobs in the United Nations," he said.

"It will hopefully replace the back-room horse-dealing among great powers and regional groups for key slots where interest groups and not genuine talent was the determining factor," he noted.

The downside is the delay in getting this process under way and the gap between the departure of the old order and the arrival of the new, with negative consequences in the U.N. administration, he added.

The secretary-general has so far announced several new appointments - both USGs and assistant secretaries general (ASGs) - without recourse to any advertising.

But he did write to the 193 member states asking for nominations for some of the vacant posts prompted by his decision to ask all senior officials to resign if they have completed five years of service.

Ban, who began his second five-year term in January, has said he wants a new team of officials to work with.

The three criteria for appointments are merit; gender, with preference being given to women provided they have the right qualifications; and geographical balance.

The USG posts that will fall vacant (and not advertised) include the Office for Disarmament Affairs, the special representative for children and armed conflict, head of political affairs, and the special adviser for prevention of genocide.

Sanbar told IPS that it was generally felt that the secretary-general should have the discretion - and the wisdom - to select his team from as wide a geographical and political representation as feasible.

"I recall when serving on the U.N.'s Appointment and Promotion Board in the late 1980s representing the staff we asked the then- Personnel Director Kofi Annan (later secretary-general) to advertise more widely externally available posts and to invite more participation from all regional/cultural backgrounds.

"And when I chaired the Board (which Annan later abolished) from 1993-1997, we particularly focused on (advertising in) the Economist, the Financial Times and using U.N. Information Offices for relevant regional media, hoping to attract the attention of more young intellectuals worldwide," he added.

Historically, successive secretaries-general have been under pressure either from major donors or the big five powers - the United States, Britain, France, China and Russia - for some of the plum posts in the Secretariat.

And virtually all secretaries-general have caved in to outside pressure.

Asked if the advertisement was a cover for appointments already decided, Sanbar said, "Even if it is maybe in certain cases a cover for some appointments already decided, the momentum generated by such an open process could help break down long- imposed barriers."

Like any new precedent, he said, it could be either a liberating card to strengthen the hand of the secretary-general or a wild Joker card that could be used by others to tie his hands.

"It depends on who would be the dealer - and whether it turns out to be bridge or baccarat," said Sanbar.

Meanwhile, Ban also announced last week several new ASGs: Kate Gilmore of Australia, as one of the two deputy executive directors of the U.N. Population Fund (UNFPA); Sima Sami Bahous of Jordan as assistant administrator and director of the Regional Bureau for Arab States at the U.N. Development Programme (UNDP); Jens Wandel of Denmark as UNDP assistant administrator and director of the bureau of management; and Ayse Cihan Sultanogu of Turkey as UNDP assistant administrator and director of the Regional Bureau for Europe and the Commonwealth of Independent States.

Friday, February 24, 2012

InnerCityPress: On Syria, of Kofi & "Mission Impossible," Double Pensions & Boutros, Baker

By Matthew Russell Lee

Click here for this on @InnerCityPress

UNITED NATIONS, February 24 -- Around the UN in New York the day after former Secretary General Kofi Annan was appointed joint Arab League - UN special envoy to Syria, diplomats and staff were abuzz about other candidates considered, and what the naming of "Kofi" meant.

Sources told Inner City Press that the other candidates considered included not only Finland's Martti Ahtisaari, who garnered Russian opposition for his Ahtisaari plan for Kosovo independence from Serbia, but another former UN Secretary General, Boutros Boutros Ghali, vetoed by the US for a second time.

An American, James Baker, was in the mix, as was Algerian former prime minister Mawloud Hamrouch and Kuwaiti former foreign minister Mohammad Sabah Al-Salem Al-Sabah.

Annan was selected. Inner City Press asked his former chief of communications Edward Mortimer, who replied, "I salute Kofi for his courage in undertaking what looks like the ultimate 'mission impossible.'"

Another long time UN source told Inner City Press that this work might be a way of "making Kofi pay for his two pensions," referring to his double dipping of pensions as former UN staffer and then Secretary General. Inner City Press has asked Ban Ki-moon's top two spokesmen about this, and how Annan's mission will be funded, after for an answer before noon. Watch this site.

Sunday, October 30, 2011

In Bosnia, A Difficult Childhood for World's 'Baby Six Billion'

undpwatch
the sad truth behind campaign - in 1999 campaign this is how lives 2day



UN Development
The baby will be born tomorrow 10-31. What’s ur wish for this baby?

undpwatch
generated millions "proud" of - this is how he lives in - LIES


Wednesday, October 19, 2011

Is this the UN Justice System that Amb. Torsella of USUN wants to reform ?

Should USUN demand explanations from UN/OIOS for a US national who's rights have been violated by United Nations?


FOR SEVENTEEN YEARS "OIOS HAS CONSTANTLY DECLINED TO RELEASE TO ME, THE COMPLAINANT, THE INVESTIGATIVE REPORT FOR MY CASE No. 0001/94"

CLICK HERE FOR STORY ON UNJUSTICE.ORG

18 October 2011

UNJustice hopes that the United Nations Administration will release without delay the investigative report by OIOS –the internal oversight body of the United Nations, concerning the complaints by Ms. Farida Burtis, a former female staff member of the UN Department of Public Information.

The case number assigned to it –Case No. 0001/94, suggests this was the first OIOS investigation case after OIOS was established in 1994.

For nearly twenty years Burtis, a US national, has been seeking justice, but in vain.

“I tried to obtain justice through the UN Administrative Tribunal, but it was not competent, because I was a former UN staff member. My then lawyer later filed a tort claim with the UN Tort Claims Board, but that board itself never rendered a decision: instead the UN Office of Legal Affairs intervened saying the UN Tort Claims Board was not that organized to deal with my case. Since I did not have a competent legal forum I then asked the Secretary General to waive immunity so that US courts could hear my case. Immunity was not waived, and US courts could not proceed without such waiver of immunity. For my efforts to seek justice, I was cast in the role of whistleblower and successful attempts were made to inflict injury to me and seek mydisappearance. The then US Ambassador for UN Reform wrote to the OIOS asking to reconsider its decision not to provide me with a copy of their investigative report. OIOS has constantly declined to release the report saying that it is confidential but if the released to me, it could provide substantiation to my allegations. In essence, I have already explored all possible ways to obtain justice. It is a mockery of justice to deny me the investigative report for my own case for which I had requested the investigation,” says Farida Burtis.

UNJustice is alarmed to learn that according to an internal memorandum by Kofi Annan, at the time Assistant-Secretary-General for Human Resources Management, some documents were removed from the UN Official Status File of the staff member.

In the circumstances, UNJustice is worried that it might have existed two different dossiers concerning Farida Burtis: one for her personal examination and one for decision makers within the Organization. Whereas Annan’s memo lists the removal of some documents from the Official Status File of Farida Burtis, it fails to consider the harm that the removed, and allegedly adverse material, might have caused to her over the years.

UNJustice believes that transparency and accountability are the basic tenets of good governance and an independent public oversight body, such as the OIOS, should serve always the public, not a national or international administration.

UNJustice recalls that in accordance with Article 14 of the International Covenant on Civil and Political Rights:

“All persons shall be equal before the courts and tribunals. In the determination of any criminal charge against him, or of his rights and obligations in a suit at law, everyone shall be entitled to a fair and public hearing by a competent, independent and impartial tribunal established by law."

UNJustice believes that a failure by the UN Administration to take action on Ms Burtis’ case would demonstrate contempt for good governance principles and for fundamental human rights.

Please take action to urge the UN Administration to reconsider its decision and provide the former UN staff member with a copy of her investigative report without further delay.

Friday, January 7, 2011

A Bloated U.N. Bureaucracy Causes Bewilderment

click here for story

GENEVA — When Bolivia wanted a list of standards drawn up for the trade in llama and alpaca meat, it turned to an unlikely source: the U.N. Economic Commission for Europe.

This little-known body, based in Geneva, published a 44-page report in 2008 offering global norms for the fat thickness and trimming of llama cuts, and the means of avoiding “ragged edges” and ensuring that “cross-sectional surfaces” form approximate right angles with the skin surface.

It also offered a color gauge for in-shell walnuts and walnut kernels, and recently a glossy 75-page brochure on red and green peppers, highlighting product characteristics for food traders to avoid, like mold or discoloration.

The United Nations is widely known for functions like peacekeeping, health programs, refugee support and the International Court of Justice. But those are just a part of its bureaucracy, whose size and structure still bewilder many of its own employees.

There are five big centers — New York, Geneva, Rome, Vienna and Nairobi — and numerous smaller ones. In Geneva alone, the United Nations held 10,000 meetings in 2009, offered 632 training workshops and translated 220,000 pages of documents for its yearbooks, reports, and working papers.

But in these difficult economic times, as many countries reduce their own services, critics are asking whether there is a case for putting this army of civil servants to work in a smarter, more streamlined manner.

“There’s huge redundancy and lack of efficiency,” said Mark Malloch Brown, deputy in 2006 to the secretary general at the time, Kofi Annan, “but it’s entirely the making of the member states, who want to pass certain resolutions and demand certain papers.”

There appears little prospect of genuine overhaul soon, given its size, the competing interests of its 192 member states, and the fact that the worst of the financial crisis may be over.

The frustration is often most pointed among those with exposure to the private sector, like Jean-Pierre Lehmann, professor of international political economy at the I.M.D. business school in Lausanne, Switzerland.

“Generally, the U.N. has been a terrible disappointment compared to the ideals with which it was established” after World War II, he said. “It serves as a gravy train for a very bloated employment system, and, yes, there is huge overlap between the agencies.”

In food standards, for example, the U.N. Economic Commission for Europe is far from alone, often examining the same issues as other U.N. bodies like the World Health Organization and the Food and Agriculture Organization. Its mandate also overlaps with national or regional agencies like the U.S. Food and Drug Administration and the European Food Safety Authority.

The United Nations itself is broadly divided into six parts, the best known of which are the secretariat, headed by the secretary general, Ban Ki-moon; the General Assembly; the Security Council; and the International Court of Justice. The other two are the Economic and Social Council and a Trusteeship Council.

Latest U.N. figures show it employs about 75,000 people, including those in related agencies, under a $5 billion annual budget. This excludes its 16 peacekeeping operations and the cost of several agencies financed by voluntary contributions from member states. Mr. Malloch Brown, chairman of global affairs at F.T.I. Consulting in London, estimates the real annual budget is about $20 billion when all funds and programs are included. That budget is “utterly opaque, untransparent and completely in the shadow” and would benefit from being consolidated and audited from the outside, he said.

The secretariat and related agencies comprise 16 specialized bodies, including theInternational Monetary Fund; four related organizations, including the World Trade Organization and the International Atomic Energy Agency; two trust funds; and three convention secretariats, including the one on climate change.

Under the General Assembly, there are eight committees and a plethora of boards, councils, working groups and panels. There are also 11 “programs,” including Unicefand the U.N. High Commissioner for Refugees.

Below the Security Council sit a dozen “subsidiary bodies,” including peacekeeping operations.

The Economic and Social Council has five regional commissions, including the Economic Commission for Europe; nine functional commissions; three standing committees; and expert, ad-hoc and related bodies.

“We need to reform the institutions rather than abolish them, en principe,” Mr. Lehmann said, “but it is a Herculean task and so far, I think, all attempts have failed.”

During the late 1990s, Mr. Annan initiated what he called a “quiet revolution” by reducing staff, cutting the administrative budget and trying to weed out patronage. Staff numbers are down.

Mr. Malloch Brown said Mr. Annan was “fairly” successful, mainly because he had previously held a number of top positions inside the United Nations and had “understood the levers.” But political constraints make change almost impossible at the central secretariat, he said.

Jan Kubis of Slovakia, executive secretary of the U.N. Economic Commission for Europe, defended his organization’s role during an interview at his office overlooking the lake in Geneva.

“We do our standard setting, we do our norm setting, we do our reports and it is so technical and so diverse and so apolitical that we are below the line of visibility,” said Mr. Kubis, a respected veteran of European diplomacy and bureaucracy. “Very often you hear about this or that development, but rarely are we mentioned.”

The commission has 220 employees, and its 2010 budget, most of which went on staff, was almost $50 million. Mr. Kubis said the squeeze is on. “We are asked to do more but the resources are basically the same,” he said.

For some, certain issues have become even more acute under the current leadership. Inga-Britt Ahlenius, the former under secretary general for the United Nations internal oversight office, submitted a damning end-of assignment report in July to the secretary general, which was subsequently leaked.

It described a pervasive culture of secrecy, notably surrounding Mr. Ban. She said that he appeared more concerned with preventing news leaks than with releasing possible criminal evidence to prosecutors. She also said Mr. Ban’s office had blocked attempts to improve transparency despite commitments to the contrary.

At the time, the U.N. said that it regretted the leak but that the memo’s “frank thinking and advice” would be reviewed as an important tool for improving management. Farhan Haq, a spokesman for the United Nations in New York, declined to comment on the accusations, saying the issues were “raised long ago and were responded to in detail then.”

More broadly, he said that Mr. Ban “feels he has made progress in internal reforms,” notably revamping the internal justice system to handle disputes more transparently; by encouraging senior officials to comply with financial disclosure rules; by strengthening whistle-blower protection; and by expanding the role of the U.N. Ethics Office.

Back in Geneva, Mr. Kubis argues that reform can occur only “step by step.”

“You are surprised what is coming from New York sometimes,” he said. “It’s simply sometimes impossible.”

The work of the U.N. Economic Commission for Europe is “a never ending story,” he said. A current priority is developing standards to allow people with impaired vision to detect electric cars. “We’re working on it,” he said. “We are unique.”

Tuesday, November 16, 2010

The Deepening Mysteries of U.N. Financial Disclosure

By Claudia Rosett @ Forbes
Nov. 15 2010 - 10:54 am | 583 views | 1 recommendation | 0 comments

When the new U.S. Congress convenes in January, there may be revived interest in oversight of a runaway United Nations. The U.N. system is fueled by billions every year in U.S. tax dollars, but has been operating these past two years without such speed bumps as even the occasional congressional oversight hearing into those busy back corridors of the U.N., in which the U.S. administration places so much trust, and through which so much money flows.

Many areas want looking into. These range from assorted fiascos of U.N. peacekeeping and sanctions regimes, to such questions as who’s actually benefiting from U.S. money given to the U.N. (now more than $6 billion per year) and from the credibility that U.S. support lends to the institution (priceless).

But a common theme running through all of this is the U.N.’s continuing failure to provide transparency and accountability. On that score, there’s a certain sorry entertainment value — as well as serious questions — to be found in browsing the U.N.’s current version of financial disclosure, as practiced by senior U.N. officials. This system was supposed to be one of the important reforms brought in by former Secretary-General Kofi Annan, as he tried during his final stretch in office, in 2006, to wipe the sludge of Oil-for-Food from his Brioni suits.

When Secretary-General Ban Ki-moon arrived in office, in 2007, he promised that his “first priority” at the U.N. would be to “restore trust.” He advertised that as part of this effort, he would follow through on Annan’s pledges of disclosure of personal finances by senior U.N. officials. That was a great idea, the urgent need for it underscored that same year by the indictment in New York’s Southern District of the former head of the U.N. Oil-for-Food program, Benon Sevan, on charges of bribery and conspiracy to defraud the U.N. relief program he had run (Sevan, who left the U.S. and has not returned to face the charges, has denied any wrong-doing); and the conviction in New York federal court of a former head of the U.N. General Assembly’s budget oversight committee, Vladimir Kuznetsov. He was found guilty in 2007 of conspiring to launder hundreds of thousands of dollars worth of kickbacks on U.N. procurement deals, while serving as the highest-ranking Russian official at the U.N.

But the “reform” that Annan bequeathed, and Ban has run with, is a system in which what is mainly disclosed by U.N. management is that almost nothing is disclosed (yes, you read that right). Top U.N. officials are supposed to render up information in-house about their finances. This is done in ways so confidential that even the U.N.’s Ethics Office, which administers the program, is not privy to the details. Senior staffers are then allowed to choose for themselves whether any information at all about their finances will be released to the public. This has resulted in some officials, such as Annan’s former chief of staff, Iqbal Riza (who has lingered at the U.N. in New York as a “special adviser” to Ban Ki-Moon) filing a public disclosure form in which he does nothing more than check a box, confirming that he has chosen “to maintain the confidentiality of the information disclosed by me.”

Some of the more forthcoming officials do choose to disclose slightly more than merely a refusal to disclose. Even then, it’s done in a format so abbreviated and generic that it provides almost no information. The U.N.’s entire public disclosure form runs to a single page, with no actual dollar amounts listed. Ban himself, for instance, filled out a form for 2009 which says his assets consist of an apartment and two lots of land in South Korea. What are these worth? There’s no clue.

Under the heading of “Ethical Standards,” such farcical “disclosures,” from dozens of senior U.N. officials worldwide, are posted on Ban Ki-moon’s official U.N. web site. Until now, I thought the Riza-style approach of utterly non-disclosing disclosure took the cake.

But in revisiting the site recently, I came across an entry that is in some ways even more tantalizing. That would be the form filed for 2009 by the director-general of the U.N. Office at Geneva, Sergei Ordzhonikidze. A former Soviet and then Russian diplomat, Ordzhonikidze was appointed in 2002 by Kofi Annan to head the U.N.’s palatial spread in Geneva, where last year alone he managed a budget of $227 million. (The U.N. Office at Geneva is home to the lavishly maintained Human Rights Council, among other U.N exotica).

Ordzhonikidze accounts directly to the U.N. Secretary-General, and serves as Ban’s representative in Geneva. When Ban Ki-moon’s web pages began featuring the “disclosure” forms, Ordzhonikidze for 2007 and 2008 was among the U.N. officials willing to list his assets. But he said they consisted solely of “Bank Savings accounts.” He listed nothing else. How much was in those savings accounts? Where in the world were they held? That’s a level of detail which UN public “disclosure” doesn’t bother with.

But here’s the intriguing bit. For the most recent filing, for 2009, Ordzhonikidze’s assets have apparently changed. He no longer lists even “Bank Savings accounts.” Under assets, he lists “Nil.” Likewise, under the other five categories, he also lists “Nil.” Apparently, he has gone from having assets that consisted solely of savings accounts to having no assets at all — or at least nothing worth more than $10,000, which is the minimum bar for disclosure. No house, no substantial possessions, no profits from the sale of personal property, no assets whatsoever. For that matter, no liabilities, either. No nothin’, just “Nil, Nil, Nil, Nil, Nil, Nil.

What’s going on? After years of service pulling in a U.N. salary well into six-figures and loaded with perks, while running a U.N. complex that features a nine-figure budget and peacocks on the manicured lawns, has the director-general of the U.N. Office at Geneva been somehow abruptly left with no finances of his own to report? (Queried by email about this, a spokesperson for the U.N. in Geneva said Ordzhonikidze was traveling and could not be reached in time for this article.)

Or has Ban’s promise of U.N. transparency devolved to where he and his top team members, under the label of ”public disclosure,” routinely disclose either next-to-nothing or “Nil”? If U.S. law makers are ready to try again, can they get the candor the U.N. has repeatedly promised and failed to deliver? It would be worth finding out.