Monday, January 7, 2013
Friday, November 30, 2012
The Gaza Strip - Facts, Figures and UNDP’s Response to the Ongoing Crisis
Wednesday, November 21, 2012
UNDP in Gaza giving $$$millions to Hamas to rebuild its infrastructure damaged from "Israeli bombardments"
Click here to download a copy of the project document which UNDP doesn't want anyone to read
This is the UNDP team in Palestine territories:
UNDP/PAPP Management Team
Senior Management |
|
Frode Mauring | Special Representative of the Administrator |
Yasmine Sherif | Deputy Special Representative of the Administrator |
Khaled Shahwan | Deputy Special Representative (Operations) |
Sasha Graumann | Head of Gaza Office |
Team Leaders |
|
Abla Amawi | Governance and Social Development |
Nasser Faqih | Poverty Reduction |
Rima Abu Middain | Natural Capital and Environment |
Sufian Mushasha | Strategy, Research and Advisory Unit |
Walid Hasna | Chief of Engineering and Infrastructure |
Advisors |
|
Amar Bokhari | Programme Management Adviser - Global Fund |
Tomislav Condic | Field Security Advisor |
Chantal Beaubien | Legal Advisor |
Wednesday, January 4, 2012
URGENT: US contributes US$ 55 Million to UNRWA

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Friday, October 21, 2011
The Moral Vertigo of Ban Ki-Moon
by Claudia Rosett @ PajamasMedia.com (Click here for story)
Whatever the reasoning behind Israel’s decision to swap more than 1,000 Palestinian prisoners for kidnapped Israeli soldier Gilad Shalit, this deal is no stellar moment for world peace. Quite the opposite. It affirms for the Iranian-backed terrorists of Hamas that there is great gain to hostage-taking. Expect more.
It confirms that for Hamas, the whereabouts of Shalit, held hostage for more than 5 years, were no mystery; yet the erstwhile civilized world during those years chose to lavish funding on the terrorist welfare enclave run by this hostage-taking terrorist gang. And the bulk prisoner release by Israel means that cavalcades of terrorists — responsible for everything from lynching Israelis in Ramallah to wholesale slaughter in bombings of such places as an Israeli nightclub, hotel, pizza parlor, and so on — will be freed; some quite likely with ambitions to kill again.
In Gaza and the West Bank, preparations have been underway to welcome these terrorists as heroes, and celebrate their release. That’s horrifying, but no surprise. These are places where people danced in the streets and gave out candy to celebrate the Sept. 11, 2001 terrorist attacks on the U.S. The leaders of both Hamas and the Palestinian Authority have done well for themselves over the years by pursuing perpetual conflict and indoctrinating the people living under them in the ways of terror and hatred.
But why does the secretary-general of the United Nations have to hop on this blood-soaked bandwagon? Speaking Monday in Switzerland, where he has been immersed in such matters as “climate change” and Switzerland’s support for the renovation of the UN’s luxurious digs at the Palais des Nations in Geneva, Ban Ki-Moon delivered himself of thefollowing statement on the swap of the parade of Palestinian terrorists for the kidnapped Israeli soldier:
The recent announcement, particularly on this exchange of prisoners — that is very welcome. And I sincerely hope that this will give some positive momentum for their relationship for peace and security.
One need not question Ban’s sincerity in this prattle about peace and security. I’m sure he would be delighted if on his watch at the UN, peace were to descend on the Middle East. But he is not a teen-age beauty contestant answering questions here about dreams for mankind. Ban is now well into his fifth year in the top job at the UN, and he was commenting on a cynical deal in which an Iranian-backed Palestinian terrorist group, in a swap for a kidnapped Israeli soldier held hostage since 2006, is now extorting a mass release of terrorists. This is “very welcome”? This will give “positive momentum” to “peace and security”? It won’t even accomplish that for the Palestinians, who, to their own detriment, are led — or, more accurately, misruled — by gangs that thrive on hate and conflict. It won’t buy peace or security for Israel. Nor will it make the world, generally, a safer place. This is a wretched set of de facto rules now being engineered for the 21st century international order. And enthroned at the United Nations, bankrolled to the gills by the U.S., is this bland international bureaucrat, lost in moral limbo, dishing out sentiments that do worse than nothing for peace, security, or even basic decency.
An obvious question follows. When the next terrorist hit on Israel takes place, will Ban’s speech-writers describe him as “disappointed,” or “concerned,” or maybe even “deeply concerned”? Whichever it’s going to be, it is horribly likely he’ll be needing that statement soon. Nor, I’d wager, will he be in the least surprised.
Saturday, October 15, 2011
How many Hamas members were paid under CASH-FOR-WORK programme from UNDP in Palestine Territories?
Why is the Cash-for-Work project needed?
· Poverty is chronic throughout the West Bank; the continuous conflict has had a severe impact on the Palestinian economy, despite some easing of movement restrictions from mid-2009, in September 2009 the World Bank affirmed this had not led to sustainable economic growth.
· Studies show that the unemployment levels are particularly high amongst refugees, at 26 percent, the highest being amongst the youth, at 54 percent.
· 29 percent of refugees both in and outside camps are food insecure, meaning they find it difficult to cover basic needs such as food.
· Households spend an average of 49 percent of their income on food, meaning they have very little left to spend on other essentials such as shelter and education, essentially further entrenching poverty through a cycle of debt.
· Due to debts, once a household has fallen into deep-poverty, it is more difficult to lift the family above the poverty line, which means they need more cash-for-work in order to feel a positive impact on their livelihood. CaWP has adapted its Programme to allow for such refugees to obtain work opportunities.
Who benefits?
· The programme helps all vulnerable refugees, especially the most vulnerable to food insecurity such as female-headed households, herders and the disabled.
· CaWP provides an income and basic security to help refugees cope with conflict-related economic hardship, such as land confiscation, destruction of homes and shops and loss of employment in Israel.
· CaWP currently provides 4,365 jobs per month, about 35 percent of which are carried out by women, 20 percent by youth aged 18-24 yrs, Three percent by herders and 0.5 percent by disabled.
· Between April 2010 and March 2011, JCP will create 80,000 short-term job opportunities (directly helping 40,000 households or 230,000 people), of which 28,000 jobs will be for women (35 percent of total), 2,400 for herders (3 percent of total) and 400 for people with disabilities (0.5 percent of total).
· JCP also caters for the specific needs of refugees living in Areas C and the Seam Zone by providing resources to help them resist forced displacement and better cope with land confiscations and settler harassment.
CaWP opportunities help to build health and educational facilities, maintain traditional handicrafts and backyard farming, and generates income for the poorest refugees.
How many beneficiaries are women?
· The project actively targets female beneficiaries by providing work opportunities which suit social values and are physically accessible to women.
· Female participation in CaWP has increased over 2009 to a steady 35 percent per month by the third quarter of the year. This is a rise of 15 percent from our current target of 20 percent, and will be our new minimum target for next year.
· To hire more women, JCP has provided special materials and tools for herding women (such as sewing machines and other materials for carpet weaving and handicraft) as well as for gender-sensitive jobs such as clerical work, assistance in nurseries, schools and libraries, and social work.
· Many female labourers have been hired by municipalities and village councils to help plan and implement JCP's CaWP activities.
What jobs does the program support?
· As an emergency programme, CaWP targets the most vulnerable Palestine refugees who tend to be those without employable skills. Therefore, the majority of jobs offered require skills that can be learned on the job or involve traditional skills and workmanship.
· UNRWA has developed a database (Project Daa'm) which measures the socio-economic vulnerability of each household in detail, thereby tackling the complex and multilayered issue of poverty in the West Bank. As part of its job creation activities, CaWP will target the most vulnerable families identified by Project Daa'm offering them community-based work opportunities most suitable to their profile.
· JCP provides labour for the Olive harvest every year thus helping the national economy and enabling refugees to access farmland in remote areas.
· JCP labourers work for periods of one to three months in villages and refugee camps or, for those whose movement is restricted (such as herders), in their immediate surroundings. They do a variety of jobs ranging from cleaning, rehabilitation and construction, farming, sewing, teaching and assisting in offices and educational facilities.
· Beneficiary labour is used to improve the refugees' living environment, the conditions of public works and the delivery of services, ultimately contributing to the welfare of the entire community.
How is the project implemented?
· JCP implements CaWP in close cooperation with stake-holders in all 19 refugee camps in the West Bank, including 34 UNRWA installations, and in over 160 municipalities and villages.
· The Programme relies on municipalities, heads of village councils, mukhtars and members of the refugee community in camps to draw-up action plans to absorb JCP labourers on a monthly or quarterly basis.
· JCP provides capacity-building workshops to ehance partners' awareness of the Programme and improve their ability to make use of the programme's services.
· JCP approves action plans and signs contracts with implementing partners.
· Beneficiaries receive a subsidy for their work, paid at the end of every working month by cheque.
· To verify beneficiary attendance and progress of work, JCP monitors regularly visit implementation sites.
Does the project make a difference?
· Yes. Families most often report using their subsidies from the project to purchase food or to repay debts; therefore, the project contributes to food security and allows beneficiaries to become viable creditors again.
· An evaluation of CaWP completed in April 2009 reported that on average 83 percent of respondents were satisfied with the project, with higher percentages amongst women and sanitation labourers. Some 68 percent reported to have improved family relations, and 66 percent had better self-esteem, suggesting the programme contributes to the wider well-being of the community.
· Residents of communities where the project is implemented enjoy better public services and infrastructure. Project beneficiaries have worked on schools, health centers, sewage systems, streets, parks, retaining walls, rehabilitation centers and even a zoo.
Who funds the Cash-for-Work Project?
· The project is made possible through the generous contributions of several donors as it is a multi-donor project.
· In 2008, its biggest donor was ECHO, the European Commission's Humanitarian Aid department. Since 1992 the European Commission's Directorate General for Humanitarian Aid (ECHO) has funded relief to millions of victims of both natural disasters and man-made crises outside the EU. Aid is channelled impartially, straight to victims, regardless of their race, religion and political beliefs. http://ec.europa.eu/ec ho
· Since the start of CaWP in 2004, ECHO has contributed about half of the project's overall costs.
· Other donors such as the governments of Australia, Belgium, Spain, Sweden and the United States, have also contributed generously.
Saturday, September 24, 2011
The Economist: Hamas in Gaza - A proper state already
Click here
While Mr Abbas seeks a virtual state at the UN, Hamas controls a real one
UNLIKE Mahmoud Abbas’s Palestinian Authority—scattered under Israel’s occupation like inkspots on paper—Hamas, the Islamist group that runs Gaza, controls its territory, borders, security and trade. Depending less on capricious foreign aid, Gaza also enjoys “exceptionally high” economic growth, according to the latest World Bank report. Reconstruction has finally begun. Growth in the first half of 2011 slumped from 8% to 4% in Mr Abbas’s West Bank, but soared to 28% in Gaza.
Whereas Mr Abbas was willing to negotiate a demilitarised state with Israel, Hamas is bolstering its armed forces. Its Qassam Brigades are said to have packed their arsenals with weapons from Libya’s abandoned arms depots, smuggled in via Egypt.
The Arab awakening has also provided allies to defend against renewed Israeli operations. Turkey’s prime minister, Recep Tayyip Erdogan, promises to send military escorts to accompany aid flotillas to Gaza. Egypt has also improved its ties with Hamas.
Sensing the region is swinging its way, Hamas is dismissive of Mr Abbas’s outreach to the West. While the Palestinian president woos the UN, Hamas hobbles it. Hotheads snipe at the United Nations Relief and Works Agency (UNRWA), which provides for 1m-plus Gazan refugees, accusing it of turning into a security outfit, and labelling its few foreign personnel as spooks. When UNRWA suspended a union leader for suspected Hamas activity, staff went on strike.
With funds dwindling, UNRWA is struggling to retain its patronage network. It has cut 120,000 Gazans from its ration-books and 3,000 workers from its job programme, and this week announced that more emergency relief was in jeopardy. While the UN pleads with Israel to let concrete into Gaza to rebuild 20,000 buildings battered by Israeli bombardment, Hamas is overseeing a far greater flow of construction materials through the Egyptian tunnels.
NGOs acting as conduits for Western, especially American, funding have faced even greater wrath. When they balked at Hamas demands that they should register with Hamas ministries, submit financial reports and pay a fee (which, under America’s anti-terrorism laws, could be construed as sponsoring terror and cost them their funding), Hamas closed down the largest one, Sharek, on the pretext that its youth groups encouraged premarital sex. Hamas officials also pulled an acclaimed Gazan film about Israel’s 2009 war for portraying a woman walking past the invaders unveiled.
Hamas still needs Western funding too much to gobble up UNRWA entirely. Despite the cuts, UNRWA pours some $300m into Gaza. But Hamas wants the UN to work firmly under its auspices, as it would in a fully-fledged state. To offset the protests, UNRWA survives increasingly by operating on Hamas’s terms. It has suspended the introduction of Holocaust studies in its schools, and has made all its summer camps single-sex.
With such muscle-flexing enhancing Hamas’s state-building efforts on the ground, it is little wonder that the Islamists deride Mr Abbas’s bid for UN recognition of his piecemeal, virtual state. “A symbolic sham,” sneers Mahmoud Zahar, a Hamas leader in Gaza.
Thursday, September 22, 2011
How many registered vendors at UNDP Palestine are members of Hamas? Why is Helen Clark not willing to make transparency now?

