Showing posts with label world bank. Show all posts
Showing posts with label world bank. Show all posts

Friday, November 30, 2012

SCANDAL: In Pakistan United Nations charge 75% for every $$Dollar that supposedly goes to procure Polio Vaccines

THE BARE TRUTH 
Where is ISLAMIC DEVELOPMENT BANK $LOAN$ for POLIO eradication goes in Pakistan ?


Click here to read this in full @ International Herald Tribune: http://tribune.com.pk/story/472026/operational-costs-weigh-heavily-on-anti-polio-push/
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Operational costs weigh heavily on anti-polio push

Published: November 28, 2012

Official documents show that more than 50% of the total programme cost will go to two foreign organisations – WHO and Unicef. PHOTO: FILE
ISLAMABAD: 
Running a polio eradication initiative is no mean feat. Within its massive head, only about one-third goes into the actual procurement of vaccines.

That’s the easy part.
The rest is be provided to two United Nations agencies and a govt body as ‘operational costs’ – ie, the cost of surveying the areas and millions of households to be targeted across Pakistan and then actually delivering the medicines to the millions of households over a span of three years.
In Pakistan, two international agencies will be paid the largest chunk to undertake this process.
The polio vaccine procurement cost of the three-year Emergency Plan for Polio Eradication stands at $106.6 million, or Rs9.7 billion – 35% of the total Rs27.5 billion earmarked for the recently cleared three-year campaign programme – which seeks to eliminate polio by 2015.
Official documents show that more than 50% of the total programme cost will go to two foreign organisations – the World Health Organisation (WHO), which is responsible for operations and surveillance, and the United Nations Children’s Fund (Unicef), responsible for vaccine procurement and communication.

WHO will have the larger share of the pie, charging a total of $86.5 million or Rs7.9 billion –28.9% of the total programme cost. Similarly, the Unicef is charging $67.3 million or Rs6.2 billion – 22.3 % of the total cost.

To finance the project, the federal government has almost finalised a loan agreement with the Islamic Development Bank for the provision of $227.2 million or Rs20.7 billion. The IDB will charge a 5.1% markup. The World Bank will also provide a loan of $24 million for the programme.

Despite the huge allocation for the emergency programme, experts say its success hinges on the success of ongoing polio campaigns. They are of the opinion that unless routine coverage increases to 90% from the existing below 45%, the emergency programme will not succeed.


The programme was recently cleared by at meeting of the Central Development Working Party, headed by Planning Commission Deputy Chairman Dr Nadeemul Haque. It will become operational from January next year.
The stated objective of the emergency programme is to stop wild poliovirus transmission throughout the country.
As many as 33.4 million children under the age of five are targeted under this programme.

UNCIEF

Unicef will charge $21.1 million, or roughly Rs2 billion, as social mobilisation cost and another $36.2 million, or Rs3.3 billion, as “ongoing social mobilisation” cost. Furthermore, it will charge “7% for programme support cost” ($4.9 million) and another “9% for programme support cost” ($5.2 million).

An official working closely on the programme said that the 9% additional cost was unfair and needed to be settled. The agency is also charging 4.5% as procurement services charges.

World Health Organisation

WHO is charging roughly $73 million, or Rs6.6 billion, as operational cost and $8.8 million as surveillance cost. It is also charging $4.9 million or 7% of the total amount as programme support cost.

Officials added that, since 1994, WHO has established its surveillance networks at district levels, which the government has decided to use. However, despite years of surveillance, polio coverage remains behind the targets, highlighting issues in monitoring.

In addition to the international agencies’ charges, the government has also earmarked $36.1 million, or Rs3.2 billion for its own operational cost.

PM’s Polio Monitoring Cell 

The PM’s Polio Cell is allocated $1.1 million, or Rs98.7 million, as operational cost. An amount of Rs38.9 million is allocated for holding meetings and conferences, while telephone bills for three years have been estimated at Rs2 million. An amount of Rs400,000 has been fixed for gifts, while Rs10.3 million has been allocated to the PM’s Cell for running vehicles.

Published in The Express Tribune, November 28th, 2012.

Friday, September 7, 2012

Who cares about the poor - Helen Clark's UNDP is all about big GREEN business

UNDP Behind Green Business

Helen Clark wants UNDP to start trading Carbon Certificates

Hundred of thousand certificates created by UNDP about to flood the markets



Tuesday, July 17, 2012

TVNZ: Helen Clark tobacco company award a 'travesty'

Click here to read this on TVNZ.CO.NZ

Former Prime Minister Helen Clark has been criticised for her role in granting a business award to India's biggest tobacco company.

Clark, who is now head of the United Nations Development Agency, presented India's largest cigarette maker, ITC (formerly Indian Tobacco Company) with the World Business Council for Sustainable Development's (WBCSD) highest prize for improving the environment and removing poverty.

"The award is possibly the biggest travesty of justice even by the UN and the World Bank's weak ethical standards," Pranay Lal of Union Southeast Asia, a lobby group fighting tuberculosis and lung disease.

Writing on India's Daily News and Analysis website, he said ITC was primarily a cigarette maker and tobacco trader although it now claims to be a diversified company selling soap, biscuits and hospitality.

He asked why the UN, the World Bank or even the World Health Organisation continue to partner and recognise perverse industries like tobacco companies.

"The answer is simply - money. Starved of public financing, the UN agencies rely upon 'voluntary' contributions like donors, private philanthropies and companies."

He said ITC and Brazil's largest tobacco producer, Souza Cruz, were close to UN policy because of their funding.


"What is tragic is that Helen Clark, a responsible prime minister and wife of a respected public health expert could not have given this award in New Zealand or any other developed country," Lal said.
Clark is married to Auckland University public health specialist Peter Davis.

"WBCSD is a curious club of organisations ranging from the most wanted corporate criminals (Dow Chemicals) to good Samaritans (Infosys), Lal said.

Dow is reviled in India in the wake of the Bhopal gas disaster in 1984 in which up to 12,000 people may have died. A number of corporate officials have been convicted over the disaster in India, but Dow internationally does not accept liability.

ITC's chairman, Y C Deveshwar, accepted the award from Clark.

"I receive this award with humility and pride, on behalf of the hundreds of thousands of tribals and poor farmers whose lives have been transformed by ITC's Social and Farm Forestry initiative," he said.

Saturday, March 24, 2012

If you know how to rap and are from South Korea (i.e. Ban Ki Moon) than you qualify for World Bank Prez



World Bank nominee Jim Yong Kim showcases rapping talent


President Obama has announced that he is nominating a Korean-born American academic, Jim Yong Kim, to be the new head of the World Bank.

President Obama also listed Dr Kim's many extra-curricular talents including basketball and golf.

After the announcement, footage emerged of the new nominee starring as a rapper in an "Idol" competition last year at New Hampshire's Dartmouth College, where he is president.

Friday, March 2, 2012

GAP: STOP Bailouts for International Development Banks

CLICK HERE TO VIEW THIS ON GAP PAGE (http://whistleblower.org/)

No International Bank Bailouts without Whistleblower Protections!

Dear GAP Supporter:

Last December, while US taxpayers were doing their holiday shopping, Congress quietly approved more than $35 billion in bailouts to international development banks. These multilateral development banks (MDBs) are immune from national oversight and laws, both here and abroad. They are riddled with corruption and blatantly resist any meaningful internal governance reform.
Experts estimate that $26 – $130 billion have been lost to corruption at the World Bank alone since its founding, to say nothing of the other MDBs.

Fortunately, Congress hasn't issued a blank check. According to
a federal law that was passed in December
, before the US can contribute tens of billions of dollars in cold cash and guarantees to the World Bank, the Inter-American Development Bank and the African Development Bank, the Treasury Department must report that each institution is making substantial progress toward implementing certain reforms – including best practice whistleblower protections. That's where you come in.

Please sign our petition to demand the Treasury Department to conduct – and release for public comment – a credible review that details the implementation of the MDB whistleblower protections!

The Treasury Department is required to submit a report to Congress about the MDBs progress on these reform measures. Without oversight from the American people, Treasury is expected to quietly issue a report that rubber-stamps MDB practices that have condoned retaliation against whistleblowers. The report may well approve the bailouts, although the Banks have yet to even adopt best practice whistleblower protections, let alone implement them.

A
comprehensive survey
of more than 5,400 executives worldwide found that whistleblowers detect more economic crimes than corporate security, internal audits, fraud risk management and law enforcement combined. And why wouldn't they? Workers on the inside are often the only individuals with knowledge of corruption who aren't involved in the scheme. Strong whistleblower protections are crucial to ensuring that economic crimes are detected and that the billions of American taxpayer dollars flowing into them are spent appropriately. Together, we can ensure that before another penny of taxpayer money is distributed, the MDBs are held accountable for implementing strong whistleblower protections.

Please sign our petition to demand the Treasury Department to conduct – and release for public comment – a credible review that details the implementation of the MDB whistleblower protections!

This petition is a joint project of GAP and the National Taxpayers Union.

Reuters: Don’t send Jeff Sachs to the World Bank

CLICK HERE TO VIEW THIS POSTING ON REUTERS

In 2002, Jeff Sachs took the top job at one of the most ambitious university departments in the world: the Earth Institute at Columbia University. And he’s done that job very well, judging by the main metric that universities care about. When he re-upped his contract last April, the press release gushed about all the multi-million-dollar donations that the Earth Institute has received, including $20 million from the Gates Foundation and $28 million from the Lenfest Foundation to endow climate change research.

Now, however, Sachs wants to leave: he’s got his eye on a job where the sums of money involved make those numbers seem positively puny.

My quest to help end poverty has taken me to more than 125 countries, from mega-city capitals to mountaintop villages, from rain forest settlements to nomadic desert camps. Now I hope it will take me to 18th and Pennsylvania, to the presidency of the World Bank. I am eager for this challenge.

To a certain extent, Sachs’s job application reads almost like self-parody: “the president of the World Bank spends a lot of time travelling in first class to poor countries. I have been doing that for years, so I’m obviously highly qualified for the job.”

CLICK HERE TO VIEW THIS POSTING ON REUTERS

Tuesday, July 5, 2011

World Bank Is Opening Its Treasure Chest of Data

CLICK HERE TO VIEW THIS ON NEW YORK TIMES

By

THE Piper PA-31 Navajo took off into the sultry Miami morning and streaked southward toward the Caribbean. High over Haiti, the cameras inside began to snap.

Behind this reconnaissance mission was, of all things, a financial institution: the World Bank, symbol of globalization and, to many, the hubris of wealthy nations.

But this was hardly some clandestine operation. On the contrary, the aerial photographs taken that January morning in 2010, shortly after a powerful earthquake leveled much of Port-au-Prince, were soon uploaded to the Web for all to see, along with an invitation to help World Bank specialists assess the damage and figure out how to aid Haiti.

The appeal marked a radical departure for the often close-to-the-vest World Bank, which, like its brother, theInternational Monetary Fund, has been called everything from arrogant to inept. The World Bank, you see, wants the world to know that it is finally opening up, albeit slowly and, at times, a bit painfully.

The I.M.F. has grabbed the hot headlines lately, having become a tabloid fixture after its leader, Dominique Strauss-Kahn, was accused of sexually assaulting a housekeeper in a Midtown Manhattan hotel. That allegation began unraveling on Friday, when prosecutors themselves questioned the victim’s credibility. Not that Mr. Strauss-Kahn is going back to his old job; last week, the fund named Christine Lagarde, the French finance minister, as its next leader.

But while the I.M.F. is busy with scandal and the debt crisis now shaking Europe, officials at the World Bank’s headquarters here are confronting some existential questions, including the big one: What exactly are we doing here?

The World Bank’s traditional role has been to finance specific projects that foster economic development, whereas the I.M.F.’s goal is to safeguard the global monetary system. But many people, particularly in the developing world, have long questioned whether the economic prescriptions that these two lofty institutions hand down from Washington — essentially: liberalize, privatize and deregulate — have done anything but advance the interests of wealthy nations like the United States. That the I.M.F. is now championing deeply unpopular austerity measures for Greece, where street protests continued last week, only sharpens that point.

So it might come as a surprise that the president of the World Bank, Robert B. Zoellick, a career diplomat and member of the Republican foreign-policy elite, argues that the most valuable currency of the World Bank isn’t its money — it is its information.

Created in 1944 and, by custom, headed by an American, the World Bank initially helped finance the reconstruction of war-torn Europe. Since then, it has extended many trillions in loans for a wide variety of projects, be they institutions like schools and hospitals, infrastructure like roads or, controversially, environmentally unfriendly projects like coal-fired power plants and hydroelectric dams. Along the way the World Bank, like the I.M.F., has tinkered with entire economies, sometimes with disastrous results.

Yet the Haiti flights — which cost about the same as a World Bank report — were the harbinger of a quiet revolution now gripping this aloof institution.

More than 600 engineers in 21 countries analyzed the data collected over Haiti, and their conclusions — essentially what to rebuild and where — have since been used by the Haitian government, relief organizations, companies and myriad others.

“It was like the cowboy West in terms of the boundaries of the project and what we were able to do,” says Stuart P. D. Gill, a computational cosmologist and project coordinator for the bank’s disaster reduction and recovery labs.

Long regarded as a windowless ivory tower, the World Bank is opening its vast vault of information. True, the bank still lends roughly $170 billion annually. But it is increasingly competing for influence and power with Wall Street, national governments and smaller regional development banks, who have as much or more money to offer. It is no longer the only game in town.

And so Mr. Zoellick, 57, is wielding knowledge — lots of it. For more than a year, the bank has been releasing its prized data sets, currently giving public access to more than 7,000 that were previously available only to some 140,000 subscribers — mostly governments and researchers, who pay to gain access to it.

Those data sets contain all sorts of information about the developing world, whether workaday economic statistics — gross domestic product, consumer price inflation and the like — or arcana like how many women are breast-feeding their children in rural Peru.

It is a trove unlike anything else in the world, and, it turns out, highly valuable. For whatever its accuracy or biases, this data essentially defines the economic reality of billions of people and is used in making policies and decisions that have an enormous impact on their lives.

Mr. Zoellick says the bank’s newfound openness is part of a push to embrace competition, both internally and externally, as it tries to reduce poverty and foster economic development.

In short, the World Bank, long synonymous with Washington elitism, is taking steps to “democratize development economics,” to borrow a phrase from Mr. Zoellick, who is leading what many insiders regard as an assault on the bank’s power and prestige.

“We do not have a monopoly on the answers,” he said in a speech at Georgetown University last fall. “For too long, prescriptions have flowed one way.”

ROBERT ZOELLICK folds his long, lean frame onto a couch in his 12th-floor office in the World Bank headquarters.

When a visitor asks where she should sit, Mr. Zoellick pats his leg and says, “Anywhere but here.” Then he smiles, pats the cushion beside him, and adds, “Or here.” He then points next door to the I.M.F. headquarters.

It is a joke — not particularly P.C. — in reference to Mr. Strauss-Kahn and the legal maelstrom up in New York.

Joking aside, Mr. Zoellick speaks with an ambassadorial gravitas — not surprising, given that he spent most of his career as a United States diplomat.

Mr. Zoellick came to the job in July 2007, replacing Paul D. Wolfowitz, who resigned after a long string of controversies then ended in a scandal about his relationship with an employee.

A lawyer by training, Mr. Zoellick has made the rounds in Washington, particularly in Republican circles. In the 1980s, at the Treasury Department and the White House, he advised President George H. W. Bush. In the 1990s, he worked at the mortgage giant Fannie Mae, today a potent symbol of all that went wrong in the mortgage business.

Later, as the United States trade representative for President George W. Bush, he was a vocal advocate of free trade. Later still, at the State Department, under Condoleezza Rice, he advocated the war with Iraq and was viewed as an architect of the administration’s China policy. He then cooled his heels briefly as a managing director at Goldman Sachs.

Now, he is essentially telling the World Bank’s 10,000 employees that he no longer considers their institution to be at the center of the development universe.

“As opposed to some imperious bureaucracy in Washington, we’re making things open and accessible to people,” he says. “That makes for better performance, it makes for a more open system, it makes for people having a different attitude about the World Bank.”

To some World Bank insiders, this amounts to a declaration of war on their decades-old culture, a war that began when Mr. Zoellick arrived and instituted a daily 8:30 a.m. meeting of senior executives — “a shock to some of the people involved,” he recalls.

“It’s not been bloody, but it’s not been easy, either,” says Sanjay Pradhan, vice president of the World Bank Institute, a unit that advises and counsels governments, and that Mr. Zoellick has designated as his strike force in the fight for greater transparency.

He is not the first World Bank leader to struggle to match its practices to its principles. The bank, after all, has had an open-information policy for four decades. James D. Wolfensohn, who ran the bank from 1995 to 2005 and was beloved by employees, even called it the “Knowledge Bank,” and during his tenure, it spent $280 million to improve the way it shares information with its staff, client governments and organizations.

But by its own account, the World Bank failed to embed that concept of openness in its own culture, despite significant improvements in technology and tools for sharing information.

“Senior management can announce grand strategies and reorganizations, but it must rely on middle management at the bank to execute them,” says David Ian Shaman, a former World Bank official. “Middle management is composed of fiefdoms that are preserved by maintaining the status quo and so has little incentive to implement change.”

In a book titled “The World Bank Unveiled: Inside the Revolutionary Struggle for Transparency,” Mr. Shaman chronicled his battle during the Wolfensohn era to webcast things like internal policy debates. Bank insiders worried that his Web service, called B-SPAN, would open the bank to criticism and reduce its authority.

“The cultural norm of the bank is to hoard information, and when it does release information, it is either perfect or choreographed for delivery to a specific audience,” Mr. Shaman says.

In 2004, for instance, B-SPAN was initially barred from taping a speech given by a development economist, Hernando de Soto, at an event to inaugurate a new policy on information access.

“I was told it would be too controversial,” Mr. Shaman recalls. The video ultimately was made but, like B-SPAN itself, it was quietly mothballed when he left the bank a year later.

DAVID ROODMAN, a senior fellow at the Center for Global Development, has had his own struggles with the World Bank. But as a researcher, he says he understands reluctance among World Bank officials to throw open the doors. The bank’s researchers work hard to collect data. If it appears online, they may lose a chance to mine it for their own research papers, and thus lose money and prestige.

“It’s the capital basis of your world — and if you share what you’ve done and people find mistakes, what’s in it for you?” Mr. Roodman says.

People outside the World Bank are eager for its information. Its newly released data — from economic stats to numbers on landmines — has attracted more than 4.5 million unique views. Indeed, more people come to its Web site looking for data than anything else.

“I’m astonished by the number of people apparently just waiting for our data to become free,” says Shaida Badiee, director of the bank’s economic development data group. “I had no idea how big a deal this was going to be.”

Mr. Zoellick says that he understands his employees’ worries but that opening analysis and research to public scrutiny will lead to fewer mistakes. “There will be, I’m sure over a series of years, bad stories that come out as a result of this, and if you’re part of the bad stories, it’s probably not going to be something you’re going to like,” he says. “But my view is that it is far better for the institution and its health to be open.”

One day last spring, in the bank’s sunlit atrium, Mr. Zoellick’s team doled out prizes for a contest called Apps for Development. Software developers worldwide had submitted Web applications based on the bank’s data.

The atrium is the bank’s agora, home to shows and presentations, and people often arrive in national dress for big events.

But that day, the most exotic people were young developers like Frank van Cappelle, a Dutch national who is a doctoral candidate at the Melbourne Graduate School of Education in Australia. His app, StatPlanet, lets people explore more than 3,000 World Bank economic indicators with interactive maps and graphics. It won the $15,000 first prize.

One finalist was an app to help pregnant mothers use their mobile phones to find World Bank data about maternal health in their countries and languages. Another was a game designed to increase awareness of deforestation.

Mr. van Cappelle says the contest encouraged people to make sense of the bank’s information. “There’s a lot of data out there right now locked up in databases,” he says, “and I think it requires apps like this one and some other apps that have been developed to unlock that prison.”

The World Bank promoted the contest partly to remind its own employees that the old barriers are coming down.

“You know, we could have had a hundred smart people sitting here for a year and never come up with a lot of that stuff,” Mr. Zoellick says. The bank, he says, is essentially widening the circle of people it can brainstorm with.

Having created models for open-sourcing and crowd-sourcing, the bank is now moving toward mash-ups. A new Mapping for Results program offers interactive maps pinpointing locations of almost 3,000 bank projects in more than 16,000 places worldwide. Links open up pages with information about each project, and users can add overlays that show, say, where infant mortality is highest to see whether the bank’s work in those areas matches the need.

The program is sensitive because it involves releasing data provided by client governments and others, but the hope is that it will prompt these parties to link their own data on economic and social development to the site or otherwise make it available.

THE Swedish government, a big public supporter of development projects, has followed suit with a prototype, a Web site with information about where it spends its aid money and the impact its spending has had. “The goal is to achieve as effective poverty reduction as possible,” the Swedish government said this year in announcing the effort. “To achieve this goal, development cooperation must be opened up to transparency and ideas from others.”

Next week, Kenya, too, will open a Web site giving access to data that, until now, has existed largely in books on the shelves of various ministries. Software developers are already playing with it — seeking patterns like whether there is any correlation between the government’s spending on schools and students’ test scores, literacy and matriculation.

“The World Bank has made it easier with what it is doing with open data,” says Bitange Ndemo, Kenya’s permanent secretary for information.

The broader release of such data will enable more “scientific” policy-making, cut down on corruption in Kenya and engage more people in government by empowering them with knowledge they can use to challenge political leaders, he says.

Asked if there would be resistance to public dissemination of government data, Dr. Ndemo said transparency was inevitable.

Information is valuable, he says, and people will find a way to get it: “This is one of those things, like mobile phones and the Internet, that you cannot control.”

At World Bank, Confidentiality Can Be Used To Conceal Misconduct

CLICK HERE TO VIEW THIS ON WHISTLEBLOWER.ORG

by Bea Edwards on July 01, 2011 ( The Whistleblogger / 2010 )

In a troubling development, a ruling handed down this month by the World Bank Administrative Tribunal held Bank management responsible for breaches of confidentiality, even when the "confidences" exposed revealed serious misconduct. The case, which echoes an earlier ruling, involved facts (revealed to the press and published) about a staff member and his corrupt business relationships, as well as a concealed conflict of interest.

In this recent decision, No. 451 , the Tribunal reviewed the case of Ben Hu, a former World Bank short-term consultant. Hu served on the board of directors of the now-debarred Bank IT vendor Megasoft while simultaneously working for the Bank itself. Hu facilitated contracts for Megasoft, including numerous sole-source contracts and one competitively bid contract, over a short period of time. Taken together, the contracts were worth approximately $2 million.

In 2005 and 2006, Hu was investigated by the Bank for these activities.

In 2008, the Vice President for Human Resources notified Hu that the Bank found him guilty of misconduct as a result of his conflict of interest and his concealing of it:

The Final Report of investigation concluded that there was sufficient evidence to indicate that you committed staff misconduct in that you abused your position for financial and personal gain, that you engaged in conflicts of interest, and that you failed to make necessary disclosures, in violation of your duties to the Bank and applicable Staff Rules, in violation of Staff Principle 3 and in violation of Staff Rule 8.01.

After carefully reviewing the Final Report, including your testimony and written comments, I have concluded that your not disclosing your Board membership with [Company X (India)] to your manager, [ISGVP], constituted misconduct as it violated your obligation to avoid an actual conflict of interest or appearance of a conflict of interest in accordance with Staff Rule 3.01 Standards of Professional Conduct. I found that the evidence was not sufficient to substantiate the other allegations.

In October 2008, news of the Hu investigation leaked to journalist Richard Behar, whose story was published at Fox News. During its May 2011 session, the Administrative Tribunal at the Bank held Bank management responsible for the leak, and ordered payment to Hu in the amount of $25,000.

In its March 2009 session, the Tribunal issued a similar ruling in a related case. In Case No. 389, Mohammad Muhsin, a senior manager, who was accused and found guilty of misconduct related to a similar conflict of interest, was also awarded $25,000 in damages, after news of his investigation leaked to the Washington Post and US News and World Report. In the Muhsin case, the tribunal even acknowledged the counter-argument about the leaks, when it wrote:

The importance of the vigorous and constant effort to eliminate corruption within international organizations can hardly be overemphasized. Yet this cannot be invoked as a laissez-passer to excuse disregard for the interests of staff members, and in particular their rights to due process. It is true in this case that the Applicant was guilty of misconduct. It might therefore be said that he deserved what he got, and must live with the consequences of his actions.

Nonetheless, the Tribunal wrote, at the time of the leaks to the press, a finding of misconduct had not yet been established and therefore Muhsin was entitled to monetary damages.

This logic is tortured. Although the finding of misconduct had not yet been established, the guilty party knewat the time the press accounts appeared that the allegations were true. The guilty party then initiated the action requesting damages. Both Muhsin and Hu, therefore argued that they have a right to protection and confidentiality concerning their actions, even when their actions were corrupt.

In these judgments, the World Bank Administrative Tribunal, does not seem to consider the free speech rights of other staff members, who disclosed corruption at the bank to the public. Only the rights of staff members guilty of misconduct, have been acknowledged. Nor do the rulings respect the public interest. The Tribunal should consider that there is a balance to be struck between an individual's right to privacy and the public interest. In the context surrounding these two cases, it emerged that all three of the bank's principal IT vendors had been debarred for corruption, involving at least one of the characters to whom the AT has now awarded substantial damages.

As an organization that defends and protects the rights of whistleblowers, GAP strenuously advocates the rights of free speech, and believes that the public interest and the right to freedom of expression trump the ability of a guilty party to use confidentiality to conceal wrongdoing. To construe confidentiality as a shield for misconduct and reward those who presume to use it that way with financial damages is deeply disturbing.

Bea Edwards Is the International Program Director of the Government Accountability Project, the nation's leading whistleblower advocacy organization.