Showing posts with label climategate. Show all posts
Showing posts with label climategate. Show all posts

Thursday, March 4, 2010

Coal-State Dems Unveil Bills Stalling EPA Emission Curbs

This story was updated at 1:05 p.m. EST.

Four influential coal-state Democrats introduced companion bills in the House and Senate today that would block U.S. EPA from implementing any climate-related stationary source rules for two years, a timeout of sorts that they think gives Congress time to pass legislation dealing with the issue.

Senate Commerce Chairman Jay Rockefeller of West Virginia unveiled the Senate bill, while the House measure was introduced by West Virginia's Nick Rahall, the chairman of the Natural Resources Committee, and Alan Mollohan, a senior member of the Appropriations Committee. Rep. Rick Boucher (D-Va.), who played a pivotal role in negotiations last year on the House-passed climate bill, also signed up an original co-sponsor.

Rockefeller said in a press release that his bill would give "Congress the time it needs to address an issue as complicated and expansive as our energy future. Congress, not the EPA, must be the ideal decision-maker on such a challenging issue," he said.

"EPA regulation of greenhouse gases would be the worst outcome for the coal industry and coal-related jobs," Boucher said. "Our bill is a responsible, achievable approach which prevents the EPA from enacting regulations that would harm coal and gives Congress time to establish a balanced program."

The Democrats' bills add to a growing chorus of congressional complaints about EPA's plan to regulate for greenhouse gases.

Sen. Lisa Murkowski (R-Alaska) may push for a vote later this month on a resolution that would overturn EPA's "endangerment" finding, a determination that opens the door to rules covering everything from cars and light trucks to power plants and other major industrial sources.

Murkowski said in a statement that Rockefeller's bill demonstrates "further evidence of the growing, bipartisan, and bicameral resistance to EPA's back-door climate regulations."

"Given the overwhelming opposition to these actions, I'm hopeful that this bill will draw additional support and advance quickly," she added. If it doesn't, Murkowski said she would push for a floor vote on her resolution that is guaranteed consideration under Senate rules.

Murkowksi to date has 41 Senate co-sponsors, including three moderate Democrats. She would need 51 votes for the measure to clear the chamber.

Obama administration officials have shown little interest in the Hill efforts to suspend EPA's efforts.

Responding yesterday to a question from Murkowski about whether she would support a temporary timeout from Rockefeller, Jackson replied, "I support the need for new legislation to address carbon pollution."

"I do not think we're at a fork in the road," Jackson said, adding, "the law says that EPA has to move forward on these issues."

White House spokesman Robert Gibbs also said last month that Obama would not support Murkowski's resolution.

Efforts to undercut EPA's regulations have drawn support from industry and labor groups. United Mine Workers of America President Cecil Roberts sent a letter of support to Rockefeller today questioning whether the Clean Air Act is best suited to provide the technological incentives needed to reduce greenhouse gases from coal-fired power plants.

"The Clean Air Act has been successful in reducing harmful air pollution in our cities, but it is not designed to address the broader global challenges of climate change," Roberts wrote.

Responding to congressional complaints about climate rules on small polluters, EPA Administrator Lisa Jackson in recent days has offered more details about the agency's plans for tackling climate change. She said EPA will soon issue a final "tailoring" rule that precludes permitting requirements over the next two years for industrial sources that emit less than 75,000 tons a year. After 2012, EPA would consider moving the threshold to about 50,000 tons per year (E&ENews PM, March 3).

Frank O'Donnell, director of the advocacy group Clean Air Watch, criticized the coal-state Democrats who he said are pushing to suspend Jackson's authorities even more. "The EPA seems to be backpedaling faster than an NFL cornerback, but that doesn't seem to have satisfied the appetite of special-interest opponents of climate action," he said.

Boucher helped negotiate key pieces of the House-passed climate bill to benefit his district's industrial interests, and he often explained that his primary motivation was the threat of EPA rules. In the Senate, Rockefeller stands out as a key swing vote in efforts to pass a comprehensive energy and climate bill. Sens. John Kerry (D-Mass.), Lindsey Graham (R-S.C.) and Joe Lieberman (I-Conn.) are aiming to release a bill before the spring recess that starts at the end of this month while targeting a floor debate in the late spring.

Aides to Rockefeller, Rahall and Boucher said they didn't know what the specific plans were for their two pieces of legislation. Rockefeller's bill likely will be referred to the Environment and Public Works Committee. Rahall's bill goes to the Energy and Commerce Committee, where Boucher is a senior member.

Jim Manley, a spokesman for Majority Leader Harry Reid (D-Nev.), declined comment today when asked about any floor plans on the Rockefeller legislation.

An EPA spokesperson did not immediately return calls for comment.

Click here (pdf) for Sen. Rockefeller's bill, S. 3072.

Click here (pdf) for H.R. 4753 from Reps. Rahall, Boucher and Mollohan.

Click here (pdf) for the United Mine Workers of America's letter of support.

UN Eco-Commissars on Bali – Again

by Claudia Rosett at PajamasMedia.com

For folks terrified of warmer weather, the UN climate commissars sure do have a strange affinity for the balmy climes of Bali.

Recall that in December, 2007, as the common folk shivered in the wintry vicinity of the UN’s well-appointed offices in New York, Bonn and Geneva, a horde of UN climateers decamped to the far side of the globe for a fortnight of conferencing by the Indonesian beaches of Bali’s ritzy Nusa Dua resort (and convention center). There, up close and personal, they braved the preview of a world beset by warm temperatures and ocean waters, as you can see in this virtual tour of the adjacent beach resort — complete with its freshwater pool, beachside cocoons, seafood buffets and winding paths beneath the palm trees.

Now they’re at it again. The UN Environment Program, which is based in Nairobi, is convening a set of meetings this week – not in Nairobi, or New York, but at the same Bali beach resort (and convention center) where they sacrificed all that time for the greater good in 2007. Never mind the UN’s continuing campaign — in the face of its crumbling “climate science” — to restrict and control carbon emissions. Yet again, we are asked to believe the UN deserves special exemptions from its own preachings. Its conferees are jetting to Bali for the greater good of all the little folk, whose job is merely to pay the bills for such pleasures, and live with any resulting rationing and regulation. According to the Jakarta Post, some 1,500 people from 192 countries are expected to attend this shindig — where UNEP claims that envoys of some 140 governments will be present. The pre-session events (the UN goes in for a lot of those on Bali) have already begun.

This gathering is on a somewhat different theme from the grand “global warming” jamboree of 2007 (or the UN anti-corruption convention at thesame Bali beach resort in 2008). The main topic of discussion this time is supposed to be the “sound management of hazardous chemicals and wastes.” Unlike carbon dioxide, that actually is worth worrying about. But do you trust this crowd to handle it? These folks are the from the same UNEP (launched and initially run by Maurice Strong, who went on to godfather the Kyoto Treaty) that has been one of the big purveyors of UN climate alarmism. This is the same UNEP which, together with the UN’s Geneva-based WMO (World Meteorological Organization) established the IPCC (Intergovernmental Panel on Climate Change (IPCC), which under the leadership of UN climate guru Rajendra Pachauri is now embattled over one revelation after another of missing data, faulty data and cooked results in its politicized findings of climate “consensus.”

And in the UNEP press announcement of this conference, there is already a strong flavor of yet more alarmism, calculated to bring in yet more funding for these folks, as — I’m not making these names up — the United Nations Body Burden Forum gets ready to sound alarms about “the toxic chemical burden increasingly borne by the life of the planet.” Again — it’s a great idea to actually clean up toxic chemicals. But do you trust this UN crowd to decide what those are? Or to find a reasonable way to do it?

Part of this UN bash will be a special session of the UNEP governing council. That council includes not only such members as the U.S., Canada and Japan, but also Russia, China, Cuba, and Iran – Iranian government officials being free to join in overseeing and attending such shindigs, despite Iran’s being under UN sanctions for its continuing pursuit of nuclear weapons (which, in Iran’s hands, would be terrible for a lot of things, including the environment).

There’s lots here that bears watching, but I’ll round this off with a note that at this plush pow-wow the UN’s propaganda engines will be roaring full steam ahead. On Feb. 22-23, this Monday and Tuesday, UNEP will put together a media workshop, on “Reporting Green — The Environment as News.” What fun for the media! A two-day workshop on Bali, by the beach. Will this workshop be teaching the media how to ask hardball questions about things like IPCC findings, UNEP conflicts of interest, or, for that matter, repeat UN mega-eco-conferences on Bali? I’d say, don’t hold your breath.

Wednesday, March 3, 2010

ENVIRONMENT: Wanted - An Effective Multilateral System

By Marcela Valente*

NUSA DUA, Indonesia, Mar 3, 2010 (Tierramérica) - The echoes of failure still sounding from the Copenhagen summit on climate change in December are spurring efforts to reform the international legal framework. Civil society groups are demanding a new, more agile system that is both influential and effective.


A consultative group of ministers, created a year ago to explore changes to the multilateral system, met in late February in the Indonesian tourist destination Nusa Dua, on Bali, and proposed a series of initiatives with hopes that countries can reach an agreement in the medium term.

Some governments and organisations are leaning towards establishing an umbrella group of United Nations agencies, while others are proposing the creation of new institutions altogether.

"We need stronger environmental governance, with more power and a bigger budget," Alida Spadafora, director of the Panamanian National Association for the Conservation of Nature, told Tierramérica at the conclusion of the Civil Society Forum here.

"We don't know if it should be a U.N. body or programme, but it should have greater influence and financing, because it is increasingly evident that we are not getting results," she said.

The Forum met ahead of the simultaneous conferences of parties to the Basel, Rotterdam and Stockholm Conventions on chemicals and toxic substances, and the 11th Special Session of the U.N. Environment Programme's (UNEP) Governing Council and the Global Ministerial Environment Forum (GC/GMEF), Feb. 22-26 in Bali.

Spadafora said, "there is solid evidence that we are not achieving results in reversing the serious environmental problems we have, like climate change, biodiversity loss, and so many other issues where we are losing."

Maria Ivanova, director of the Global Environmental Governance project, described this concept as the inclusion of civil society organisations in the design and execution of policies.

Ivanova, who also took part in the Forum, said that few issues are as intrinsically global as the environment, but that the institutions created "have proven incapable of resolving the problems." Which is why there is a need for change, she said.

According to the U.S. expert, there are two main theories when it comes to environmental governance. There are those who say the system is successful and open to non-governmental organisations, and others who believe it is dysfunctional and fragmented, plagued by internal competition for limited resources.

The need for reform "is an issue on which governments as dissimilar as the United States and Iran can agree," said Ivanova, noting that they have both expressed concern about continued environmental destruction and agreed that multilateral institutions should be improved.

Ministers, civil society representatives and UNEP itself agree that the international community needs effective institutions with funding, and especially, coordination among them.

U.N. Secretary-General Ban Ki-moon said in a letter to the conference that environmental questions cannot be resolved by weak institutions. He called upon the participants to be "creative and productive" in considering alternatives.

There is also recognition that the changes will not be decided before the next climate change summit, slated for November in Mexico, but the process will have begun with sights on the U.N. Conference on Sustainable Development, to take place in Rio de Janeiro in 2012 - known as Rio+20.

UNEP chief Achim Steiner told Tierramérica that if governments want a successful agreement in Rio, they must start sending clear signals now about the desired reforms and strategies.

As an example of synergies for greater efficiency, Steiner pointed to the first simultaneous meeting of the Basel, Rotterdam and Stockholm Conventions.

The executives and experts of the three Conventions' secretariats began coordinating their work so that the regulatory instruments that they offer the party states would be more effective in preventing toxins from harming human health or wildlife.

Civil society is demanding a new global structure, especially because greater empowerment will subsequently be reflected in government policies. Many countries do not even have government agencies to handle environmental matters, and resources tend to be scant.

The Civil Society Forum issued a document in which it states that it is "essential to accelerate the implementation of reforms" of the international environmental system.

The Forum says reforms should improve the environmental scope of other institutions in the multilateral system, such as the World Trade Organisation, the Commission on Sustainable Development, the World Bank and IMF.

(*This story was originally published by Latin American newspapers that are part of the Tierramérica network. Tierramérica is a specialised news service produced by IPS with the backing of the United Nations Development Programme, United Nations Environment Programme and the World Bank.) (END)

Tuesday, March 2, 2010

Climate change: What they’re not telling you about global warming

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CLICK HERE FOR STORY AT NEWJERSEYNEWSROOM
BY ROY NERSESIAN
COMMENTARY

It could be worse — lower carbon emissions would result in even colder weather!

Global warming is a hot topic and it's heating up. After the Healthcare Bill is resolved one way or the other, the next agenda item is cap and trade, which by any measure will be costly to Americans and will make Al Gore a billionaire from his investments in cap and trade providers.

The following temperature chart shows that average temperatures in the United States have increased from 52 degrees Fahrenheit in 1895 to 53.5 degrees in 2009, an impressive 1.5 degree increase.

GRAPH NO. 1

temp1030210_opt

Global warming alarmists link this phenomenon to the following chart. (The reference to the Pinatubo volcano is that its eruption pumped a great deal of sulfur dioxide into the atmosphere covering tops of clouds with an aerosol that reflected sunlight. This reduced the amount of sunlight reaching the earth, cooled the oceans that allowed greater carbon dioxide absorption temporarily reducing its concentration in the atmosphere.)

GRAPH NO. 2

carbon2030210_opt

Global warming alarmists link the two curves insisting that there is a causal relationship between the rising carbon dioxide content in the atmosphere and global temperatures. Well, if there is a direct causal relationship, how does one explain the general cooling trend from 1940 to 1970? And what about the cooling trend starting around 2000? This one I'll answer — "it's a short term cooling trend contained within a long term warming trend", which, by the way, could be true. But it's not obvious that it's true.

Perhaps the greatest criticism against the global warming alarmists is their myopic concentration on a single variable model. There are other global warming gases - methane is one that is also increasing. The most important gas in the atmosphere that affects global temperatures is not carbon dioxide or methane, but water vapor and degree of cloud cover. But little is mentioned of these because of a lack of historical data.

Global warming alarmists never speak of the precession of the earth about its axis, which is closely tied to past ice ages, nor do they speak about variation in the energy emitted by the sun and its impact on climate. The Medieval Warming period from 1100 to 1250 where temperatures rose to the point where coastal Greenland was actually green and fit for settlement corresponded to a period of high sunspot activity. The subsequent Little Ice Age that forced the abandonment of Greenland was marked by an exceptional period of cold weather known as the Maunder Minimum from 1645 to 1715 when sunspot activity was nil. The Dalton Minimum that lasted several decades from 1790 has been deemed responsible for the extremely cold winter that wiped out Napoleon's army during its 1812 retreat from Moscow. The difference between minimum and maximum sunspot activity is only about 0.5% in solar energy emission, but this is enough to disturb the delicate balance of factors affecting the earth's climate.

The following chart shows sunspot activity since 1996 — could the fall in sunspot activity since 2001 be blamed for what appears to be global cooling or even presage the start of another ice age (a view prevalent in the 1970s and beginning to reemerge)?

GRAPH NO. 3

sunspot3030210_opt

If sunspot activity remains low and does not return to its normal 11-year cycle and the earth continues to cool, we may live to see the day when the government encourages the burning of coal to enhance the warming blanket of carbon dioxide!

Roy Nersesian, a resident of Maplewood, teaches at the Leon Hess School of Business at Monmouth University in West Long Branch and also at the Center for Energy and Marine Transportation at Columbia University. He has authored several books, the last on Energy for the 21st Century published by M.E. Sharpe.

Al Gore Needs to Change Climate Language

Click here for the story on sparxoo

Ethan Lyon | Mar 02, 2010

Al Gore is taking some serious heat about global warming amid record winters. “I, for one, genuinely wish climate change were an illusion,” Al Gore said in a The New York Times article Sunday. “Climate change” might be the very thing fueling global warming opposition. As the international figurehead of climate change, Al Gore needs to re-think his marketing language if he’s going to curb growing opposition.

Even amid mounting scientific evidence, could the misconception about global warming stem from a simple word choice? As Google Trends illustrates, global warming dominates the lexicon (blue=global warming, red=climate change):

“Global” means everywhere and “warming” implies higher temperatures . Therefore, as Philadelphia and many other cities continue to break winter records, it’s difficult to believe anything is warming. The global warming language makes people question the reality of climate change. In fact, 57 percent of the American public believe global warming is true — down 14 points from October of 2008.

Gore repeatedly uses “climate change” language which is highly ambiguous. It could mean cooling or warming. Is that bad or good? To snuff ambiguity, Gore needs to have a straightforward, descriptive message that speaks to his pro-environment efforts. In fact, “the idea of climate change, actually, was introduced by conservatives, by Frank Luntz in the 2004 campaign,” says professor George Lakoff, a cognitive linguistics professor at University of California, Berkeley. “He found that global warming alarmed people whereas climate change sounded fine. It was just change, as if it just happened, and people weren’t responsible.” To Luntz and conservatives surprise, the global warming language is working in their favor amid record winters.

If “global warming” and “climate change” are not effective, what is? Lakoff believes “climate crisis” conveys the right message. Climate speaks to the big picture (not just weather patterns) while injecting the urgency of “crisis.” As Luntz can attest to, changing two words can have widespread implications. For instance, Luntz helped conservatives alter public perceptions of the estate tax when Luntz re-labeled it, the death tax. Public perception of global warming could be easily changed by a simple word change.

“It’s very important for the scientists to know that they don’t know anything about communication,” says Lakoff. Therefore, it’s Al Gore responsibility to take the lead and convey the correct message. In fact, the relationship between Gore and scientists parallels advertising creatives and account executives. Research and insights from account executives informs the creative. The creative’s responsibility is to then craft a compelling message to sell the product / brand to consumers or businesses. Gore needs to re-think his “creative” to curb the mounting “climate crisis” opposition.

But is it too late? Global warming and climate change are already deeply embedded in the environmental lexicon. For Gore to change the growing global warming opposition, he needs to take a two pronged approach: 1) change his language to “climate crisis,” then tell scientists and other influential proponents of environmental sustainability to follow suit and 2) launch a public awareness campaign that explains why harsh winters can happen amid global warming — using the Lakoff’s “climate crisis” language. If Gore doesn’t convey a clear, self-explanatory, descriptive message, he could get burned.

Image by fortunefad from Stock.Xchng

Major Change Is Needed If the IPCC Hopes to Survive

Well before the recent controversies, the work of the Intergovernmental Panel on Climate Change was marred by an unwillingness to listen to dissenting points of view, an inadequate system for dealing with errors, conflicts of interest, and political advocacy. The latest allegations of inaccuracies should be an impetus for sweeping reform.

by roger a. pielke, jr.

It has been a rough couple of months for the climate science community. Last November someone stole or released over 1,000 e-mails from the University of East Anglia. The e-mails revealed that some scientists were so

THE IPCC UNDER FIRE:
A CONTRASTING VIEW

Robert T. Watson, the former IPCC chairman, says the organization he once headed needs to acknowledge its errors and improve its work, but notes that the evidence of climate change is irrefutable.
READ MORE
entrenched in battle with their scientific and political opponents that they lost their perspective, going so far as to suggest improperly influencing the scientific process of peer review and evading legal requirements to disclose their data upon request. Climate science took another hit soon thereafter when it became apparent that the 2007 report of the Intergovernmental Panel on Climate Change (IPCC) contained a number of embarrassing errors and an unacceptable amount of sloppy work, such as its erroneous prediction that Himalayan glaciers would disappear by 2035, rather than in several centuries or more.

The IPCC’s handling of the allegations of errors have compounded its problems. Its chairman, Rajendra Pachauri, responded to the first public questions about the Himalayan glacier error by dismissing the allegations as “voodoo science” and the work of climate skeptics. Later, when the sheer weight of the evidence forced the IPCC to correct the erroneous claim in public, it was further revealed that IPCC authors had been aware of the error but were unable to get it changed prior to the report’s publication and had remained strangely silent about it in the years since.

As if this was not bad enough, Pachauri has faced a range of criticism for directing more than a quarter of a million dollars in consulting and appearance fees over the past several years to the non-profit organization that he directs in India. These payments came from companies and investors with a direct stake in the outcome of climate policy negotiations, including Deutsche Bank, the Asian Development Bank, and the Pegasus investment fund. Pachauri has not helped the image of the IPCC by responding forcefully but unpersuasively, explaining that his many business connections — such as enhanced oil recovery and carbon trading operations — are in the common interest, rendering any sort of conflict of interest policies unnecessary.

IPCC
Photo by Saeed Khan/Getty Images
Rajendra Pachauri, left, chairman of the IPCC, along with Orgunlade Davidson, center, and Bert Metz, the co-chairmen of the IPCC Working Group III, at a 2007 press conference in Bangkok.
With all of these troubles facing climate science and the IPCC, some have called for the organization to be reformed or terminated, or at least for its chairman to resign. I have been a strong critic of the IPCC, not least because of its improper treatment of work that I have contributed to on weather-related disasters and climate change. However, I think the IPCC is worth sustaining, but only if it addresses the institutional factors that have led to its recent troubles and a corresponding loss of public trust in the climate science community.

There are some advocates and climate scientists who ask that we ignore the recent failings of the IPCC, because admitting that there is a problem might give succor to skeptics opposed to action. I have a different view. Standing up for climate science means addressing problems, not ignoring them or politicizing them.

I have first-hand experience with the panel’s errors and wrongheaded behavior. In its 2007 report, the IPCC included a graph that showed a smoothed line representing increasing global temperatures since 1970 on top of a smoothed line showing the increasing costs of weather-related disasters. The implication of the graph is not difficult to discern — the increasing costs of catastrophes are related to rising temperatures.

Unfortunately, not only is this implication contrary to all peer-reviewed science on this subject, but the IPCC created this misleading graph from whole cloth, intentionally mis-cited it, and when questioned by an expert reviewer of a draft of the report, falsified information in its much-touted peer review process. When challenged in recent weeks, the IPCC quickly issued a press release calling the claims “baseless” but completely ignoring the substantive issues. In recent days, a leading German scientist went so far as to suggest that the IPCC’s actions on disasters and climate change were tantamount to “fraud.”

As with the glacier issue, IPCC stonewalling has proven not to be a sustainable response. In recent weeks, the IPCC author who created the disaster cost graph has explained that it was merely “informal” and that it
The IPCC desperately needs a mechanism for resolving allegations of error in its work.
should not have been included because of its potential to mislead. And mislead it has. Just last week Australia’s climate change minister, Penny Wong, fell prey to the IPCC’s misdirection when she invoked the IPCC press release to explain in error that “the science on the link between these catastrophes and climate change has not been credibly challenged.”

There is however no such link. The book chapter that included the data that served as the basis for the misleading IPCC graph reached a starkly different conclusion than that suggested by Minster Wong: “We find insufficient evidence to claim a statistical relationship between global temperature increase and normalized catastrophe losses.”

A peer reviewer of the IPCC questioned the unsupported allegations in the report, and asked what I, as someone whose work was being questioned, thought about the report’s claim. The IPCC responded to the reviewer that I had changed my mind about my own research conclusions, a bald lie. I have complained to the IPCC about these various issues, only to receive a polite but substance-free response followed by extended silence.

My frustrating experience with the IPCC suggests that it desperately needs a mechanism for resolving allegations of error in its work. Its current ad hoc manner of response encourages the panel to politick by press release rather than undertake a careful evaluation of claims. Imagine how different things might be if the IPCC recognized in a positive manner anyone who found a legitimate mistake in its report, with errata and corrigenda continuously updated. Such acceptance of fallibility would show that the panel is open to close scrutiny and values the accuracy of its reports above all else. This would be a welcome improvement to the defensive and sometimes arrogant attitude demonstrated in recent months.

The IPCC is also in desperate need of putting into place conflict-of-interest policies. It staggers belief to learn that the panel operates with absolutely no mechanism for handling actual or perceived conflicts of interest. Because the IPCC has no requirement for disclosure of potential conflicts, it is likely that the organization itself is unaware of what other potential conflicts may exist beyond those of its chairman, which were raised by several of his critics in the British media.

To protect institutional integrity, the establishment of such procedures is deemed essential in virtually all expert advisory bodies. For instance, the U.S. National Academy of Sciences (NAS) explains that “no individual can be appointed to serve (or continue to serve) on a committee of the
The IPCC has fallen well short of performing as a credible, trusted, and legitimate advisory body.
institution used in the development of reports if the individual has a conflict of interest that is relevant to the functions to be performed.” The NAS makes clear that issues of conflict of interest are not about the morality of individuals or the worth of causes that they serve, but are about maintaining trust and legitimacy in the integrity of advice. The parent bodies of the IPCC — the United Nations and World Meteorological Organization — do have conflict of interest policies, but remarkably they do not apply to the IPCC.

The calls for Pachauri to resign miss the larger institutional context. Were he to resign and the institution simply continue as it has, in the absence of implementing rigorous and transparent conflict of interest policies, absolutely nothing would be gained. The IPCC needs to put into place conflict of interest guidelines and then let the chips fall where they may. To suggest that climate science should be free of such guidelines sends a message of hubris that can only serve to undermine trust in its work. If institutional mechanisms to manage conflicts of interest make sense for doctors, journalists, lawyers, and scientific advisors outside the field of climate, then they surely make sense for the IPCC as it informs high-stakes decisions around the world on climate policy.

The IPCC also needs improved mechanisms of accountability to its own admirable objectives. For instance, while the IPCC has a mandate to be “policy neutral,” its reports and its leadership frequently engage in implicit and explicit policy advocacy. For instance, IPCC leaders often take public
Efforts to minimize the IPCC’s troubles are likely to further erode public opinion of climate science.
stands in support of, or opposition to, certain policies on climate change, such as when its chairman weighs in on U.S. domestic legislation. The IPCC reports, particularly Working Group III, reflect a particular policy orientation, which is decidedly not “policy neutral.” To cite one example, the IPCC has concluded that the world has all the technology that it needs to achieve low stabilization levels. However, this conclusion ignores a significant body of academic work (such as by New York University professor emeritus Martin Hoffert and colleagues) suggesting that the world does not in fact have all the technology that it needs.

The IPCC also emphasized emissions trading over other policy options, largely endorsing the approach of the Framework Convention on Climate Change. With the Climate Convention in tatters after the Copenhagen meeting last December, we are now experiencing the consequences of the IPCC’s policy myopia and deviation from neutrality, as there are essentially no alternative approaches to climate policy suggested by the IPCC report. It had placed all of its eggs in one basket.

The IPCC is an important institution, but it has fallen well short of performing as a credible, trusted, and legitimate advisory body. Rebuilding what it has lost will take considerable effort and a marked change of course. Some defenders of the IPCC explain that the problems found in the report are only a few of many conclusions, or not particularly important as compared to the headline conclusions. Such efforts to minimize the IPCC’s troubles are likely to backfire and further erode public opinion of climate science, which recent polls suggest has taken a serious hit.

MORE FROM YALE E360

Climategate: Anatomy of
A Public Relations Disaster

The way that climate scientists have handled the fallout from the leaking of hacked e-mails is a case study in how not to respond to a crisis, Fred Pearce writes. But it also points to the need for climate researchers to operate with greater transparency and to provide more open access to data.

Apocalypse Fatigue: Losing
the Public on Climate Change

Even as the climate science becomes more definitive, polls show that public concern in the United States about global warming has been declining. What will it take to rally Americans behind the need to take strong action on cutting carbon emissions?
Similarly, efforts of some to demonize those who criticize the IPCC as “skeptics” or opponents to action on climate change only serve to intensify the politicization of climate science. Dealing with climate change is indeed important, but so, too, are issues associated with the integrity of scientific advisory bodies. We should be fully capable of addressing the challenge of climate change while at the same time focusing on sustaining the integrity of climate science.

Standing up for climate science means openly supporting reform of the IPCC while underscoring its institutional importance. The climate science community has failed to meet its own high standards. If the IPCC continues to pretend that things will soon get back to normal or that it need only castigate its critics as deniers and skeptics, it will find that its credibility will continue to sink to new lows. It is time to reform the IPCC.

Click here to read a contrasting view from former IPCC Chairman Robert T. Watson.

The IPCC needs to change and switch to shorter, more targeted reports

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A glacier in Antarctica

A glacier in Antarctica. Photograph: Gordon Wiltsie/Getty Images/National Geographic

Until last December, a very large majority of the scientific community and most politicians would have agreed that the scientific evidence of human- induced climate change was unequivocal and that the sole question was whether the world's political leaders could agree in Copenhagen to meaningful, legally binding greenhouse gas emission reduction targets. But, as we now know, the negotiations only produced an aspirational target of limiting the global mean surface temperature to no more than 2 degrees C above pre-industrial levels and an accord that does not bind any country to reduce its emissions.

Since then, there have been reported errors and imprecise wording in the Fourth Assessment report of the Intergovernmental Panel on Climate Change (IPCC), issued in 2007. These include the hyped statement that Himalayan glaciers would melt by 2035 or earlier (the IPCC admitted that this was an outright error and not evidence-based); that agricultural production in some North African countries would decrease by up to 50 percent by 2020 (the synthesis report failed to include the nuances and more detailed discussion in the underlying chapter); and that over half of the Netherlands was below sea level, rather than a quarter. (This was largely a definitional issue — the Dutch Ministry of Transport uses the figure 60 percent below high water level during storms.)

These errors or imprecise wording in the IPCC's 2007 Working Group II report, coupled with the issues surrounding the hacked e-mails and temperature data from the University of East Anglia, have provided the climate skeptics and some in the media with ammunition to undermine public confidence in the conclusions of the IPCC and climate science in general.

Clearly, the language in the leaked e-mails could suggest that the scientists may have inappropriately manipulated the data to support the theory of human-induced climate change and attempted to suppress other data that contradicts this theory. That is why I applaud the University of East Anglia — affiliated with the Tyndall Center for Climate Change Research, where I work as strategic director — for rapidly establishing an independent review of the whole issue. But to suggest that the hacked e-mails or the identified inaccuracies in the IPCC's Working Group II report undermine the broad evidence that the Earth's climate is changing due to human activities — or that any talk of carbon emissions cuts should be suspended — is simply untenable.

Recently, the UK Royal Society, the National Environment Research Council and the UK Meteorological Office issued a joint statement not only supporting the findings of the 2007 IPCC report, but showing that recent scientific information further strengthens those conclusions. The statement concluded that these agencies could not emphasize enough the body of scientific evidence that underpins the call for action now. Also, a statement from 11 science academies in developed and developing countries concluded that climate change is real, and that we need to prepare for the consequences, and urged all nations to take prompt action to reduce their greenhouse gas emissions.

So let me return to the issue of the IPCC, which is one of the most rigorous scientific review bodies in existence. Many thousands of scientists have dedicated their time to preparing and reviewing the most comprehensive and authoritative assessments of climate science available. In addition, governments from around the world have reviewed and approved the IPCC's key findings. The reports undergo two rounds of peer review, and the policymakers' summaries of the working groups are then subjected to a word-by-word approval of all governments in the presence of the chapter lead authors.

In many cases, the IPCC is very conservative in its statements, e.g., the projections of sea level rise reported in Working Group I were based on contributions from thermal expansion of the oceans and the melting of mountain glaciers, but did not contain a contribution from the melting of the Greenland ice sheet, due to an inadequate understanding of the current rate of melting.

Some would say that only four mistakes or imprecise wording have been found in the 1,000-page Working Group II report, and none in working groups I and III, and so would ask: Is there really a problem? But given that each of the mistakes overstated the implications of climate change, it is critical to regain any lost trust from the media, public, governments, and private sector. The IPCC could start by posting all errors — accompanied by explanations of how they were made — on its website.

I see no evidence that the authors purposely overstated the potential impacts from climate change in an effort to convince the public of the seriousness of the threat. The threat is serious enough without the need to hype the issue. But the expert and government peer-review process should have caught these inaccuracies and careless wordings. The vast amount of attention in the print and TV media, especially in the UK, has clearly left some of the public confused, if not skeptical.

The challenge now is to regain any lost trust through a continuing re-examination and restatement of the evidence, clearly identifying what we know and what is still uncertain. It is critical that the public understand the issue of climate change, given the need to both mitigate and adapt in a cost-effective and socially responsible manner.

So does the IPCC process need to be significantly revised? I would argue no, that the IPCC is more than capable of conducting rigorous and reliable assessments in an open, transparent, and inclusive manner. But the IPCC needs to regain its full and deserved credibility. The procedures for the selection of authors and review editors and the peer-review process and approval of reports are all sound. What is needed is to tighten up the implementation of these procedures, coupled with training of authors and review editors. The selected authors need to represent the full range of credible views, including those of the skeptics, and must ensure that all statements are based on sound science and that the citations used contain convincing evidence.

The IPCC should consider shorter reports focused on the key issues, rather than the all-encompassing reports that have become the norm. Authors, peer reviewers, and the working group secretariats need to be absolutely rigorous in ensuring that all conclusions are backed up by evidence, with an accurate assessment of how good the evidence is, and that all of the citations are valid. Gray literature — i.e., the use of non-peer-reviewed literature — can and should be used as long as it is evidence-based and available to the peer reviewers for evaluation.

One criticism often aimed at the IPCC is that it is inflexible and unable to conduct rapid response assessments of new evidence due to the requirements of two rounds of peer review involving experts and governments. One solution to this weakness is to complement, not replace, the IPCC by developing a "peer-reviewed" Wikipedia that can continually update the evidence and synthesize the findings and note where the new evidence strengthens, modifies, or undermines previous conclusions.

In my opinion, there is no doubt that the evidence for human-induced climate change is irrefutable. The world's leading scientists, many of whom have participated in the IPCC, overwhelmingly agree that what we're We must not allow the skeptics to derail the political will to safeguard the planet. experiencing cannot be attributed to natural variation in the climate over time, but is due to human activities. And they also agree that if we do not act, climate change will continue apace with increasing droughts, floods, and rising seas, leading to major damaging impacts to the natural world (loss of species and critical ecosystem services) and society (displaced human populations).

There is no doubt that the atmospheric concentration of greenhouse gases has increased significantly over the past 150 years primarily due to human activities. These gases are radiatively active and absorb and trap outgoing infrared radiation from the Earth's surface and hence, based on simple physics, the Earth's atmosphere must respond by warming. The only issue is by how much and when.

The IPCC concluded that the global temperature data and analyses are robust, with evidence of increasingly variable and extreme temperatures, coupled with increasingly severe weather events, heat waves, floods, and droughts. While a number of scientists argue that some of the land temperature data is contaminated and unreliable because of the urban heat-island effect and movement of observational sites, ocean data — as well balloon and satellite data — also show an increasingly warmer world. These data sets are clearly free from any potential contamination from any urban heat island effect.

In addition, the evidence for a changing climate over the past 100 years also comes from observed changes in retreating mountain glaciers throughout most of the world, a decline in the extent and thickness of Arctic sea ice, melting of the Greenland ice sheet, changes in precipitation patterns, and changes in vegetation and the behavior of wildlife. Yet despite this accumulating evidence, the challenges of the skeptics must be fully addressed.

The key question is the cause of the observed changes in temperature. The IPCC concluded that it is more than 90 percent certain that most of the observed changes over the past 50 to 60 years are due to human activities and that the changes cannot be explained by known natural phenomena.

Future increases in greenhouse gas concentrations are projected to be accompanied by increased climate variability and more extreme climatic events, leading in general to adverse impacts on agriculture, water quantity and quality, coastal erosion, loss of biodiversity, and degradation of ecosystem services. Developing countries will be the most vulnerable. Therefore, it is clear that climate change is not only an environmental issue, but a development and security issue.

All major emitters of carbon dioxide and other greenhouse gases need to rapidly and cost-effectively transition to a low-carbon economy, in both the production and use of energy and the management of forests and agricultural lands. In order to ensure food, water, and human security, and to protect the world's biodiversity, the goal should be to limit the global average temperature rise to 2 degrees C (3.6 degrees F) above pre-industrial levels. This will require a peak of global emissions of all greenhouse gases by around 2015, and at least a 50 percent reduction in global emissions by 2050, relative to 1990. Without concerted action now, the world will be faced with temperature increases far in excess of 2 degrees C, with unthinkable impacts.

An equitable and substantive post-Kyoto agreement is essential if the target of 2 degrees C is to be realized. Industrialized countries must demonstrate leadership, and provide developing countries with technical and financial assistance to reduce their greenhouse gas emissions while they address the critical issues of poverty and hunger.

Given the limited success at Copenhagen, 2010 is a critical year for the world's political leaders to unite in the fight against climate change. Strong and visionary political leadership will be essential. We must not allow the skeptics to use the incident at the University of East Anglia or the mistakes in the IPCC report to distract us or derail the political will to safeguard the planet.

What the liberal elite feel you should know about 'Climate Change'

telegraph.co.uk

By James Delingpole Last updated: March 1st, 2010

Bishop Hill has a summary – at once fascinating, deeply revealing and rather chilling – of a recent workshop staged at Oxford University to discuss the role of the media in reporting Climate Change. (hat tip: Barry Woods)

It shows that EVEN NOW as far as the liberal elite is concerned, all public doubts about AGW are merely a question of “false consciousness” in need of correction rather than the result of evidence-based scepticism.

Here is the BBC’s Richard Black:

I’m not surprised at the level of UK scepticism as the main impacts of climate change are decades away and in other places. The problem is poor science awareness. We need to improve science education so people properly understand climate science.

Here is the Guardian’s David Adam:

The meaning of sceptic is very specific. It’s not taxi drivers or people who don’t want to pay higher electricity bills. It’s someone who knows better and takes a contrary view for pathological reasons. No journalists believe that climate science was undermined by the emails.

Here is the Financial Times’s Fiona Harvey:

Sceptics were clever in choosing their name. We do need a new name, denier won’t work because of Holocaust associations.

Later we find Ms Harvey yearning – inna Sir-John-Houghton-stylee – for a catastrophe that will show all us denier/sceptics JUST HOW WRONG WE ARE:

Climate scientists aren’t generally newsworthy; sceptics, IPCC problems and emails are making the news. “Climate – guess what? Still changing” is an unlikely headline. A short-term disaster is needed to guarantee coverage as people aren’t good at processing information about there being no ice at the poles in 30 years.

You couldn’t make it up. By far the scariest contributions, though, come from a Sun editor called Ben Jackson. A notionally right-wing tabloid is not what you’d normally associate with the liberal elite, but his remarks betray exactly the same prejudices as those of the Guardian, the Financial Times and the BBC. I leave readers to speculate why this might be.

Here, for example, is yer Sun man’s remarkable bizarre statement about Jeremy Clarkson:

People listen to Jeremy Clarkson who’s sceptical (although eventually Jeremy will come round).

What’s he proposing? Blackmail? Thumbscrews? Contract withdrawal?

Still, it’s not all bad news. Here’s the Sun editor again on how the public mood is changing:

The other day a Sun driver talked to me about the Medieval Warm Period. That wouldn’t have happened 6 months ago. All climate science will now be tested and people will ask how strong the science really is. There’s been a perfect storm of things going wrong – Climategate, Copenhagen, Met Office predictions – it could only be worse if David Attenborough had been caught in bed with Lord Monckton.